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Classic Thinkers

Richard T. W. Arthur, Leibniz

Terrell Carver, Marx

Daniel E. Flage, Berkeley

J. M. Fritzman, Hegel

Bernard Gert, Hobbes

Thomas Kemple, Simmel

Dale E. Miller, J. S. Mill

Joanne Paul, Thomas More

A. J. Pyle, Locke

James T. Schleifer, Tocqueville

Céline Spector, Rousseau

Andrew Ward, Kant

Rousseau

Céline Spector

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

polity


Acknowledgements

I am grateful to George Owers, Johanna Lenne-Cornuez, Emma Planinc, the students in my seminar taught during the Spring Term of 2018 in the Department of Political Science at the University of Chicago, and the anonymous reviewers of Polity Press for their precious advice and comments on my work.


Abbreviations

The following abbreviations are used:

CGP Considerations on the Government of Poland
CW Collected Writings of Rousseau
DOI or second Discourse (Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men)
DPE Discourse on Political Economy
DSA or first Discourse (Discourse on the Sciences and Arts)
Emile Emile or Education
EOL Essay on the Origin of Language
GM The Geneva Manuscript
LWM Letters Written from the Mountain
PCC Plan for a Constitution for Corsica
Reveries The Reveries of the Solitary Walker
SC The Social Contract or Principles of Political Right

Liberty without justice is a contradiction.

Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Letters Written from the Mountain (CW 9, p. 261)


Introduction

Rousseau's influence on the history of modern political thought is profound. As soon as they appeared, the Social Contract and Emile aroused the most virulent criticism. These works contained, it was said, subversive propositions against the authority of kings and the Church. The defence of freedom and equality was at the time perceived as revolutionary, as dangerous for hierarchical republics as for monarchies. To be sure, before the French Revolution the Social Contract (SC) was less widely read than other writings of Rousseau, such as his bestseller novel, Julie.1 But in any case, the diversity of Rousseau's works, from his Dictionary on Music to his Confessions, from his opera The Village Soothsayer to his Letters on Botany, sparked immense interest all over Europe where Rousseau became, along with his foe Voltaire, one of the first ‘celebrities’.2

Rousseau was born in Geneva in 1712. He was the son of a well-read watchmaker, Isaac Rousseau, who had to raise him and his brother after their mother died giving birth to him. When Isaac Rousseau had to flee Geneva after a dispute with a nobleman, Rousseau was sent to a pastor's family and then became apprenticed to an engraver. As he tells us in his Confessions, he received no formal education but read a lot of classics – especially Plutarch. He later became a brilliant autodidact in many artistic and scientific fields, including chemistry and botany. Having to leave the small Calvinist republic at the age of sixteen when he failed to get back on time behind its locked walls at curfew, he was hosted in Annecy by Mme de Warens, whom he called maman and who provided him with spiritual ‒ and erotic ‒ guidance.3

After these happy years at Les Charmettes, Rousseau had to earn his living from tutoring and transcribing music. He decided to come to Paris and present a new system of musical notation to the Academy of Sciences (1742). His dreams of glory were unfulfilled, but he met great philosophers such as Condillac, d’Alembert and Diderot, who became his best friend. He also served as secretary to M. and Mme Dupin and took notes on Montesquieu's The Spirit of the Laws in order to assist them in writing their criticism of the work. Diderot's imprisonment after the Letter on the Blind was the occasion of what he called in his Confessions his ‘illumination’. While walking to the Donjon of Vincennes to visit him, he read in a newspaper about an essay competition sponsored by the Academy of Dijon. In answer to the question of whether the development of the arts and sciences had improved or corrupted public morals, Rousseau wrote provocatively. His Discourse on the Sciences and Arts, which won the prize in 1750, made a case against the pathologies of modernity and scientific progress praised by the Enlightenment's philosophes. By now a famous figure interested in both musical issues and political theory, he was asked by Diderot to contribute most of the articles on music and the article ‘Œconomie’ to the Encyclopedia. This contribution appeared in 1755 and was edited again independently a few years later under the title Discourse on Political Economy (1758).

In 1755, the Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men (DOI) was published, with its new insights into the evils of private property in Europe, the division of labour and arbitrary forms of government. It was written as an entry for another essay competition run by the Academy of Dijon. Even though Rousseau did not win this prize, with this he produced his first groundbreaking work of political philosophy, which was noticed all over Europe (Adam Smith, in particular, wrote an interesting review as soon as it was published4). But in the ensuing years, Rousseau moved away from the Encyclopédistes, decided to abandon his former way of life and left Parisian society.5 His intention was to dedicate his life to the truth (vitam impendere vero). Once he had retreated to Montmorency, a few miles away from Paris, the ermite could start his new life of intense writing. In a few years (1758‒1762), he published most of his masterpieces, the Letter to d’Alembert, Julie, Emile and the Social Contract. While often seizing the opportunity to sign himself ‘the Citizen of Geneva’, Rousseau built his intellectual system in a polemical dialogue with the French philosophes, whom he now attacked violently, rejecting their materialism, scientism and atheism.6

Rousseau's intellectual ambitions were extremely high and he was determined not to compromise with Parisian high society. After the quarrel with France's leading composer Rameau in his Letter on French Music (1753) and the huge success of his own opera Le Devin du Village, Rousseau refused the king's pension and fled aristocratic patronage. After a short sojourn as secretary to the French Ambassador in Venice (1743‒4), he decided to write a major book on political institutions (Les Institutions politiques). Only once in Montmorency under the protection of Mme d’Epinay could he settle to his task and start his plan for the SC – the first part of the Political Institutions – which was never completed. Like a modern Diogenes trying to demonstrate that civilization is regressive, Rousseau firmly believed that mankind was corrupt not because of original sin but because of social and political institutions. Having seen the excesses of luxury in Paris and the misery in the countryside, the vices hidden under the most exquisite politeness in the Republic of Letters, ‘the Citizen of Geneva’ intended to reveal the hypocrisy and corruption of French society and to avoid its dangerous contamination. When d’Alembert proposed bringing a theatre to his native town, he launched an attack against Enlightenment's culture and the art of stagecraft: the Letter to d’Alembert on the Theater (1758) was the breaking point with his former companions.

After the publication of Emile and the SC (1762), considered as highly subversive books which provoked public fury, Rousseau had to flee France to avoid imprisonment. He came back to his home town but, having converted in his early years to Catholicism and reconverted to Calvinism in 1754, he was considered a religious heterodox. Geneva did not welcome him either. On the contrary, the authorities decided to ban his last books and to condemn the SC. Having repudiated his Genevan citizenship, Rousseau then spent the rest of his life as a fugitive. While writing several other masterpieces (the Letters Written from the Mountain, the ‘plans’ for Corsica and Poland, The Confessions, the Dialogues and the Reveries), he was the target of persecution and finally sank into paranoia after his eighteen-month stay in England and his quarrel with the Scottish philosopher David Hume (1766).7 While Hume had worked to find Rousseau a place to live in England and asked his friends at court to pursue a royal pension for him, the refugee imagined a plot and was persuaded that Hume wanted to dishonour him. Convinced that his former friends (Diderot, Grimm, d’Alembert, d’Holbach) had also turned against him and that Voltaire wanted to destroy his reputation by revealing that he had abandoned his children, Rousseau returned incognito to France, where he married his long-time companion Thérèse Levasseur and ended his life in total despair. He died in Ermenonville in 1778 after having completed his Confessions (published posthumously) and tried to justify himself in the Dialogues: Rousseau, Judge of Jean-Jacques. His Reveries, which he jotted down on playing cards while daydreaming, enjoying the company of plants and the study of botany, were left unfinished.

Rousseau's fame was to become tremendous in the ensuing years, mostly during the second period of the French Revolution when the Jacobins and Robespierre tried to apply the principles of liberty, equality and fraternity and to promote the Cult of the Supreme Being. In 1794, his remains were transferred to the Pantheon where the ‘great men’ of the French Republic are buried. His work was constantly discussed – either admired or deeply attacked – in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.8 Beyond romanticism and republicanism, Rousseau influenced socialism and Marxism because of his attack on private property as the cornerstone of civil society. He is still considered as one of the most lucid critics of modern liberal societies which suffer the ills of individualism and social injustice.

The Coherence of Rousseau's Philosophy

Yet Rousseau's philosophy has often been misjudged. Its coherence itself has been questioned. The diversity of genres used (philosophical discourse, theoretical essay, epistolary novel, dialogues, letters, autobiography) is not the only reason that Rousseau's works are still under close scrutiny, with very different lines of interpretation. Three tensions have often been highlighted.9 Rousseau seems to hesitate:

  1. 1 between praising nature and eulogizing the benefits of civil society, between the privilege of solitude and the homage paid to the virtues of the political community. The second Discourse, in particular, seems to idealize the ‘noble savage’, while the Social Contract and other works lay the foundations of a well-ordered society;
  2. 2 between a moral philosophy using nature as a standard (in Emile) and a political philosophy grounded in the dismissal of modern theories of natural law (in the SC). Rousseau considers the standards of justice as being the result of a purely conventional act – the expression of the people's ‘general will’, with no reference to nature. This contradiction cannot be attributed to Rousseau's change of mind, since Emile and the SC were published in the same year (1762);
  3. 3 between the defence of political freedom and the case for absolute popular sovereignty. Rousseau constantly argues in favour of liberty as non-domination, requiring not being subjected to the will of another agent, avoiding personal dependency. Yet in the SC he promotes certain measures which force men to be free: he invokes the lawgiver in order to enlighten the people and shape their customs, and he appeals to civil religion to fix some of the citizens’ beliefs.

These questions (the problematic status of Rousseau's primitivism, naturalism and republicanism) will be partially clarified only if they are related to his system. The author of Emile is convinced that his philosophy will always seem contradictory as long as it is not understood as a system. His letter to the Archbishop of Paris, Christophe de Beaumont, makes it clear: ‘I have written on various subjects, but always with the same principles: always the same morality, the same belief, the same maxims, and, if you will, the same opinions.’10 The seed of the system is often associated with the famous episode of the vision at Vincennes while Rousseau was walking to the dungeon where Diderot was imprisoned. It was while leafing through the Mercure de France that Rousseau saw the advertisement for the essay competition for which he won first prize:

If anything has ever resembled a sudden inspiration, it is the motion that was caused in me by that reading; suddenly I felt my mind dazzled by a thousand lights […] Oh Sir, if I had ever been able to write a quarter of what I saw and felt under that tree, how clearly I would have made all the contradictions of the social system seen, with what strength I would have exposed all the abuses of our institutions, with what simplicity I would have demonstrated that man is naturally good, and that it is from these institutions alone that men become wicked.11

Even if Rousseau dismisses the metaphysical ‘spirit of system’, he thus advocates the principles of a philosophical system grounded on observation rather than on abstract reasoning.

In this respect, his philosophy has to account for a fundamental claim. If man is naturally good, two things have made him evil: the contradictions of the social system; and bad institutions.12 Rousseau introduces himself as a genealogist of political and moral corruption:

The fundamental principle of all morality about which I have reasoned in all my Writings and developed in this last one [Emile] with all the clarity of which I was capable, is that man is a naturally good being, loving justice and order; that there is no original perversity in the human heart, and that the first movements of nature are always right […] I have shown that all the vices imputed to the human heart are not natural to it; I have stated the manner in which they are born. I have followed their genealogy, so to speak, and I have shown how, through continuous deterioration of their original goodness, men finally become what they are.13

This book seeks to account for three aspects of Rousseau's ‘system’: (1) man is naturally good; (2) the contradictions of the social system corrupt him; (3) political and pedagogical art can find the ‘remedy in evil’ and overcome these contradictions under certain conditions. The reasons for the social contradictions are mostly related to the harmful effects of private property. For Rousseau, private property is conventional and its consequences, when not properly regulated, may be extremely noxious: the rich are also the most powerful and can manipulate the law; they can buy men and conquer public esteem, prominent positions and social prestige. Against the idea that the desire to better one's lot through labour is the most efficient motive for increasing the prosperity of all, Rousseau raises our indignation about the rich and our compassion for the poor. All his political writings unfold from a few major intuitions drawn from his early feelings about injustice and refined while he progressively became the harshest critic of the rising science of political economy: commercial society is deeply corrupted; Europe is a land of domination and oppression; social inequalities prevent an authentic moral life and are a barrier to a just political community.14 The evil of inequality permeates every aspect of social life and is fuelled by our desire for public esteem; the selfish bourgeois is always unhappy, whereas the least well-off are dying in misery and contempt. The only way out would be either to enter a well-ordered society (the SC) or to find a way to educate a child alone in the countryside in order to protect him from prejudice and moral perversion (Emile).

Interpreting Rousseau as a modern critic of modernity,15 I shall clarify Rousseau's relationship with the main philosophers of his time. Rousseau is undoubtedly modern. He is fully part of the Enlightenment in that he puts forward the claim that human nature is first and foremost a set of passions, which reason should not repress but reorder: ‘I would find someone who wanted to prevent the birth of the passions almost as mad as someone who wanted to annihilate them.’16 Yet Rousseau is also a deep critic of modernity and of modern philosophy. In the field of ethics, he argues that there is a dramatic contradiction in the materialist and atheist worldview and that we should always listen to the voice of nature.17 In the field of politics, he struggles both against the previous versions of social contract theories and against the new science of political economy. Rousseau also predicted that monarchic and aristocratic Europe would soon be destroyed by a political and social revolution. Yet, as we will see, he did not optimistically plan for the expansion of republics all over the world. In his main moral and political works (the SC, Emile), his intention was to flesh out the background conditions of a legitimate state and of republican citizenship, but also to imagine how the individual who cannot live in the ancient city-state (the fatherland or patrie) can still achieve virtue, freedom and happiness thanks to a proper education.

In the wake of Robert Wokler's excellent introduction,18 Rousseau's moral and political writings will be studied using both a thematic and a chronological order, from the Discourse on the Sciences and Arts to the DOI, from the SC and Emile to the Principles of the Right of War. Due to lack of space, I am not able to analyse fully his groundbreaking novel, Julie,19 nor his main autobiographical works (Confessions, Dialogues, Reveries). I also leave aside Rousseau as a playwright and musician, both composer and theorist, and his activities during the Querelle des Bouffons, in which he championed Italian opera against French music.20 Rather, I add to the classical analyses of the Discourses, the SC and Emile a study of Rousseau's writings on political economy and international relations. Finally, I present a short analysis of the most recent elements of Rousseau's legacy in contemporary political philosophy.

Notes