China Today series
Greg Austin, Cyber Policy in China
Jeroen de Kloet and Anthony Y. H. Fung, Youth Cultures in China
Steven M. Goldstein, China and Taiwan
David S. G. Goodman, Class in Contemporary China
Stuart Harris, China's Foreign Policy
William R. Jankowiak and Robert L. Moore, Family Life in China
Elaine Jeffreys with Haiqing Yu, Sex in China
Michael Keane, Creative Industries in China
Joe C. B. Leung and Yuebin Xu, China's Social Welfare
Hongmei Li, Advertising and Consumer Culture in China
Orna Naftali, Children in China
Eva Pils, Human Rights in China
Pitman B. Potter, China's Legal System
Pun Ngai, Migrant Labor in China
Xuefei Ren, Urban China
Nancy E. Riley, Population in China
Judith Shapiro, China's Environmental Challenges 2nd edition
Alvin Y. So and Yin-wah Chu, The Global Rise of China
Teresa Wright, Party and State in Post-Mao China
Jie Yang, Mental Health in China
You Ji, China's Military Transformation
LiAnne Yu, Consumption in China
Copyright © Teresa Wright 2018
The right of Teresa Wright to be identified as Author of this Work has been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
First published in 2018 by Polity Press
Polity Press
65 Bridge Street
Cambridge CB2 1UR, UK
Polity Press
101 Station Landing
Suite 300
Medford, MA 02155, USA
All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.
ISBN-13: 978-1-5095-0355-1
ISBN-13: 978-1-5095-0356-8(pb)
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Wright, Teresa, author.
Title: Popular protest in China / Teresa Wright.
Description: Cambridge, UK ; Medford, MA : Polity Press, 2018. | Series: China today | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2017056580 (print) | LCCN 2017059364 (ebook) | ISBN 9781509503599 (Epub) | ISBN 9781509503551 (hardback) | ISBN 9781509503568 (pbk.)
Subjects: LCSH: Protest movements–China–History. | Political participation–China–History. | China–Politics and government–1976–2002. | China–Politics and government–2002-
Classification: LCC HN733.5 (ebook) | LCC HN733.5 .W754 2018 (print) | DDC 303.48/40951–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017056580
Typeset in 11.5 on 15 pt Adobe Jenson Pro
by Toppan Best-set Premedia Limited
Printed and bound in Great Britain by Clays Ltd, St. Ives PLC
The publisher has used its best endeavours to ensure that the URLs for external websites referred to in this book are correct and active at the time of going to press. However, the publisher has no responsibility for the websites and can make no guarantee that a site will remain live or that the content is or will remain appropriate.
Every effort has been made to trace all copyright holders, but if any have been inadvertently overlooked the publisher will be pleased to include any necessary credits in any subsequent reprint or edition.
For further information on Polity, visit our website:
politybooks.com
October 1949 | People's Republic of China (PRC) established under leadership of Mao Zedong |
1958–60 | Great Leap Forward; tens of millions die of starvation |
1959 | Tibetan Uprising in Lhasa; Dalai Lama flees to India |
1966–76 | Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution |
1969 | Deng Xiaoping purged from Party-state posts |
1974 | PRC Premier Zhou Enlai convinces Mao to restore Deng and other purged leaders to Party-state posts |
January 1976 | Death of Zhou |
April 1976 | Citizens gather in Tiananmen Square to memorialize Zhou, support Deng; Maoist “Gang of Four” orchestrates removal of Deng from Party-state posts, uses official media to deem the protestors “counter-revolutionary”; thousands arrested |
September 1976 | Death of Mao Zedong |
October 1976 | “Gang of Four” arrested and sentenced |
July 1977 | Deng restored to high-level Party-state posts, criticizes Cultural Revolution and calls for a “Beijing Spring” wherein citizens express grievances |
March 1978 | New PRC Constitution adopted; includes “four big freedoms” |
November 1978 | Citizens put up big-character posters at “Democracy Wall” in central Beijing and circulate “people's periodicals,” criticizing the Maoist period and calling for political reform |
December 1978 | Deng Xiaoping recognized as paramount leader; CCP Central Committee lays out reform program emphasizing economic reform and promising to strengthen democracy and law. Party-state leaders purged during the Cultural Revolution restored to posts; 10,000 political prisoners freed and cleared of wrongdoing; Official verdict on the April 1976 movement reversed; universities re-opened; crowds gather at “Democracy Wall” in downtown Beijing |
1979 | Rural collectives dismantled; Ministry of Justice restored; Special Economic Zones (SEZs) established; “one-child” policy established; Explorations editor Wei Jingsheng jailed; “Democracy Wall” closed |
1980 | “Four big freedoms” removed from PRC Constitution |
1982 | New CCP Constitution adopted; right of workers to strike not included |
December 1984 | Sino-British Joint Declaration agreeing to return Hong Kong to China in 1997 |
1986–7 | Student demonstrations |
1987 | Protests in Tibet |
1988–9 | Tibetan monks arrested; martial law declared in Tibet |
April–June 1989 | Student-led protests in Beijing and other major cities; worker autonomous federations established; violent crack-down in Beijing June 3–4 |
1992 | Deng Xiaoping's “Southern Tour” of Special Economic Zones |
1994 | PRC citizens granted the right to sue government officials; Labor Law requires contracts for all workers; owners/residents of urban residential tracts directed to elect “homeowner associations” |
1995 | Commercial Internet accounts appear in PRC |
1997 | Hong Kong becomes Special Autonomous Region of PRC; death of Deng Xiaoping |
Late 1990s | Privatization of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and urban housing |
1998 | China Democracy Party established |
1999 | Students protest US bombing of Chinese embassy in Belgrade |
2000 | “Open Up the West” campaign begins |
Early 2000s | Rural taxes and fees abolished |
2001 | China enters WTO |
2002 | “Three Represents” embraced; private entrepreneurs allowed to join the CCP |
2002–3 | “Subversion law” provokes protests in Hong Kong |
2003 | Environmental Impact Assessment law passed |
2004 | PRC Constitution amendments protect “legally obtained” private property |
2005 | Anti-Japan protests |
2006 | “New Socialist Countryside” initiative |
2008 | Protests and repression in Tibet; summer Olympic Games in Beijing; Labor Contract Law; Liu Xiaobo and others post “Charter 08,” calling for fundamental liberal democratic reforms; PRC becomes world's largest emitter of greenhouse gases |
2010 | PRC becomes nation with highest number of Internet users |
2011 | PRC citizens granted the right to sue the government for the release of information |
2012 | Criminal Procedure Law revised; anti-Japan protests; Xi Jinping assumes top Party-state posts |
2014 | PRC journalists required to pass ideological exams; “Umbrella” Movement in Hong Kong |
2015 | Environmental Protection Law takes effect |
When I was asked by Polity to consider writing this book, I was in the final throes of another book (Party and State in Post-Mao China, Polity, 2015) and had been looking forward to a break. But, the proposed topic of this book – popular protest in China – reinvigorated me. As a new graduate student in the fall of 1988, I had been captivated by the student protests that had emerged in China 1986–7, and made them the subject of my MA thesis. In early 1989, I excitedly signed up for my first trip to China, for summer Mandarin language study. When student demonstrations again arose in mid-April of 1989, I was glued to the television, following every turn in the developing story. Watching the movement end with a bloody crack-down, I was devastated. I also found that my planned summer study abroad program had been cancelled. In the summer of 1990, I finally made my first visit to China, traveling on my own across many provinces, and doing my best with my still rudimentary Mandarin to speak with the people I met. I wanted to know more about the protests of 1989, and as I began my PhD dissertation research in the early 1990s, I sought out and interviewed exiled Chinese protest leaders (later published in Protest and Peril: State Repression and Student Activism in China and Taiwan, University of Hawaii, 2001). I was inspired by these leaders’ courage and commitment to ideals in confusing and highly risk-laden circumstances, and overcome by the great sacrifices they had made. Few would ever return to their families back in the mainland PRC.
In the late 1990s, some of the leaders of the protests of 1989 worked alongside leaders of China's earlier “Democracy Wall” movement (1978–80) to establish the first true opposition political party in China – the China Democracy Party (CDP). Intrigued, I interviewed those that I could find, collected a great deal of information about the group, and published some of my findings. Like the protests of 1989, the CDP was allowed to exist for a number of months before its major leaders were imprisoned. But unlike in 1989, when millions joined protests in virtually every major Chinese city, the CDP did not attract a large following.
This lack of apparent public interest in political change – which stood in stark contrast to the late 1970s and 1980s – puzzled me. My attempt to explain it resulted in two subsequent books, Accepting Authoritarianism: State–Society Relations in China's Reform Era (Stanford University Press, 2010) and Party and State in Post-Mao China.
But in their focus on the reasons why the Chinese public had appeared to become more satisfied with CCP rule since 1989, these books did not sufficiently address the tens of thousands of new and often large-scale non-political protests that had arisen since 1989 – protests that involved a far greater range of socioeconomic groups (most notably, China's vast rural population) than had been the case in the more politically-oriented protests of 1978–89. In addition, these books did not consider the political protests that have been undertaken by Tibetans, Uighurs, and residents of Hong Kong in the post-1989 period.
Consequently, despite my desire to rest after completing Party and State, I accepted Polity's invitation to write this book. The research for this book reminded me of the courage in the face of injustice and adversity that I so admired in those who led the protests of the 1980s. It also underscored that the Chinese public is far from passive, obedient, or complacent. To the contrary, Chinese citizens often boldly, defiantly, and doggedly confront authority when they feel that their rights have been violated or that they have been treated unjustly. This is not to stay that they are not careful and strategic in their activism; as you will see in this volume, they are very astute in their protest behavior. But at the same time, they are not cowed by their apparent lack of power relative to political and economic elites, and they do not shy away from confrontation when they feel that it is warranted.
Chinese citizens’ commitment to standing up for what is right reminds me of my parents, Pete and Nancy, whose dedication to social justice and community betterment has inspired me throughout my life. I could not be more grateful to them for giving me this gift.
More concretely, I wish to express my sincere thanks to the many scholars that generously took the time to read and provide valuable feedback on portions of this text. They include: Dorothy Solinger, Yongshun Cai, Yanhua Deng, Christopher Heurlin, Anne Christine Lie, Dragan Pavlicevic, Benjamin Read, Christoph Steinhardt, Zhengxu Wang, Ngai Ming Yip, and two anonymous reviewers. Of course, any errors and flaws are mine alone. I also am grateful to the East-West Center for supporting my research with office space and intellectual camaraderie over the course of many summers. In addition, I am thankful for the unfailing support of Amelia Marquez, who has assisted me with administrative matters – and generally has kept me smiling – for nearly two decades. Similarly, the editorial staff at Polity Press – Louise Knight, Nekane Tanaka Galdos, Neil de Cort, and Ian Tuttle – have been an absolute pleasure to work with; professional, reasonable, and supportive. Further, I extend my heartfelt appreciation to Fanyi Yang for our weekly Skype sessions in Mandarin; a more talented and good-humored jiaoshou would be impossible to find.
And finally, I am deeply grateful to my daughter Anna, my son Nicholas, and my partner Ty for helping me grow on a daily basis, for appreciating my passion for studying China, for reminding me to prioritize the things that matter most, and for being the best companions a person could ever hope for. I cannot thank them enough for the joy and fulfillment that they have brought to my life.