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Cover
Title Page
List of Contributors
Introduction
1. 1 The Origins of Dialect Variation and the Status of Dialectology
2. 2 Defining Dialects
3. 3 The Origins and Development of Dialectology
4. 4 The Present and Future State of Dialectology
5. 5 Rationale and Plan of This Book: The Blind Man and the Lame
6. REFERENCES
Section 1 – Theory
1. REFERENCES
2. 1 Dialectology, Philology, and Historical Linguistics
  1. 1.1 Introduction
  2. 1.2 Dialect Awareness and Attitudes
  3. 1.3 The Description of Dialects
  4. 1.4 The Antiquarian Tradition
  5. 1.5 Dialects in the Age of Prescriptivism
  6. 1.6 The Denigration of Dialects
  7. 1.7 From Philology to Linguistics
  8. 1.8 Features of Indo‐European Studies and Comparative Philology
  9. 1.9 The Dawn of Modern Dialectology: The Beginnings of a New Discipline
  10. 1.10 Dialect Societies and Materials
  11. 1.11 Dialect Studies
  12. 1.12 Data Collection Methods
  13. 1.13 Accessibility of Data
  14. 1.14 Dialectology and General Linguistics
  15. 1.15 Structuralism and Generativism
  16. 1.16 Dialectometry
  17. 1.17 The Rise of New Dialects
  18. 1.18 Conclusion
  19. REFERENCES
3. 2 The Dialect Dictionary
  1. 2.1 Introduction
  2. 2.2 The User’s Perspective: Meta‐Lexicographical Considerations (Why, and for Whom)
  3. 2.3 Macrostructural Considerations
  4. 2.4 Onomasiological or Semasiological Arrangement
  5. 2.5 Onomasiological Arrangements
  6. 2.6 Semasiological Arrangement
  7. 2.7 Microstructural Considerations
  8. 2.8 Data Collection by Fieldwork
  9. 2.9 Purposive Systematic Fieldwork
  10. 2.10 Oral Investigation (Direct Method)
  11. 2.11 Investigation by Correspondence (Indirect Method)
  12. 2.12 The Questionnaire
  13. 2.13 The Structure of the Questionnaire
  14. 2.14 Question Types (+ Examples)
  15. 2.15 How Much?
  16. 2.16 New Technologies and Desiderata for the Future
  17. REFERENCES
4. 3 Linguistic Atlases
  1. 3.1 Introduction
  2. 3.2 Terminology and Method
  3. 3.3 History of Linguistic Atlases
  4. 3.4 Data and Maps
  5. 3.5 Linguistic Atlases and Linguistic Theory
  6. REFERENCES
5. 4 Structural Dialectology
  1. 4.1 Introduction
  2. 4.2 Structuralism
  3. 4.3 Dialectology as a Non‐Structural Linguistics
  4. 4.4 Weinreich’s Watershed Essay
  5. 4.5 Describing Dialects Structurally
  6. 4.6 From Phones to Phonemes
  7. 4.7 Diasystemic Analysis
  8. 4.8 Isoglosses and Dialect Boundaries
  9. 4.9 The Legacy of Structural Dialectology
  10. REFERENCES
6. 5 Dialectology and Formal Linguistic Theory: The Blind Man and the Lame
  1. 5.1 The Dialectological Investigation of Dialect Variation, in Brief
  2. 5.2 On the Formal Theoretical Investigation of Dialect Variation
  3. 5.3 Why Should They Collaborate?
  4. 5.4 How Can They Collaborate?
  5. 5.5 How Have They Collaborated so Far? And What Has It Achieved?
  6. 5.6 The Roads Ahead
  7. Acknowledgments
  8. REFERENCES
7. 6 Sociodialectology
  1. 6.1 What Is Sociodialectology?
  2. 6.2 The Crucial Role of Technology
  3. 6.3 Variability, Variation
  4. 6.4 Linguistic Embedding
  5. 6.5 On the “Explanatory Power” of Linguistic Embedding
  6. 6.6 Social Embedding: Rural and Urban Realities, Dialect and Standard
  7. 6.7 The “Primary Determinants”: Class, Sex, and Age
  8. 6.8 Social Networks
  9. 6.9 Communities of Practice
  10. 6.10 Combining Narrow and Broad Perspectives
  11. 6.11 On the “Explanatory Power” of Social Embedding
  12. 6.12 Language‐Ideological Embedding
  13. REFERENCES
8. 7 Dialectometry
  1. 7.1 Introduction
  2. 7.2 Historical Background A: From the Ancien Régime up the End of the Nineteenth Century
  3. 7.3 Historical Background B: Jules Gilliéron and ALF (Atlas linguistique de la France)
  4. 7.4 The Practical and Theoretical Importance of ALF
  5. 7.5 From ALF to Jean Séguy’s Dialectométrie
  6. 7.6 Regensburg‐Salzburg Dialectometry (RS‐DM): Theoretical Assumptions and Practical Achievements
  7. 7.7 Some Methods and Findings of the RS‐DM
  8. 7.8 Final Remarks
  9. REFERENCES
9. 8 Dialect Contact and New Dialect Formation
  1. 8.1 Introduction
  2. 8.2 The Urge to Converge
  3. 8.3 Acquiring a Second Dialect
  4. 8.4 Old Ingredients, New Dialects
  5. 8.5 Leveling
  6. 8.6 Simplification
  7. 8.7 Interdialect
  8. 8.8 Reallocation
  9. 8.9 Challenging Change
  10. 8.10 Conclusion
  11. REFERENCES
10. 9 Dialect Change in Europe—Leveling and Convergence
  1. 9.1 Introduction
  2. 9.2 Dialect and Standard
  3. 9.3 Convergence, Divergence, Diffusion, and Leveling
  4. 9.4 Dialect‐to‐Standard Convergence: Regional Dialects and Regional Standards
  5. 9.5 Dialect Loss
  6. 9.6 What About the Standard?
  7. 9.7 Divergent Changes
  8. REFERENCES
11. 10 Perceptual Dialectology
  1. 10.1 Introduction
  2. 10.2 PD Boundaries: The Netherlands and Japan
  3. 10.3 Degree‐of‐Difference
  4. 10.4 Listen for Differences
  5. 10.5 Draw‐a‐Map
  6. 10.6 PD with an Attitude
  7. 10.7 Talk About Language Variety
  8. 10.8 The Linguistic Content of PD
  9. 10.9 Putting It All Together: PD, Attitude, and the Linguistic Facts
  10. 10.10 Conscious and Nonconscious
  11. 10.11 Conclusion
  12. REFERENCES
12. 11 Dialect Intelligibility
  1. 11.1 Introduction
  2. 11.2 Definition of “Dialect” and “Language”
  3. 11.3 Intelligibility as a Measure of Distance
  4. 11.4 The Role of Linguistic and Extra‐Linguistic Factors for Intelligibility
  5. 11.5 Desiderata for Future Research
  6. REFERENCES
13. 12 Applied Dialectology: Dialect Coaching, Dialect Reduction, and Forensic Phonetics
  1. 12.1 Introduction
  2. 12.2 Dialect Coaching
  3. 12.3 Dialect Reduction
  4. 12.4 Forensic Phonetics
  5. 12.5 Conclusions
  6. REFERENCES
Section 2 – Methods
1. Methods
2. Data Collection
3. Linguistic and Geographical Methods
4. Statistics for Variationist Studies
5. Future Challenges
6. REFERENCES
7. 13 Dialect Sampling Methods
  1. 13.1 Sampling
  2. 13.2 Dialect Surveys
  3. 13.3 Postal Questionnaires
  4. 13.4 Internet Surveys
  5. 13.5 Conclusion
  6. REFERENCES
8. 14 The Dialect Questionnaire
  1. 14.1 Introduction
  2. 14.2 Historical Approaches and Their Limitations
  3. 14.3 Contemporary Approaches
  4. 14.4 Conclusion
  5. REFERENCES
9. 15 Written Dialect Surveys
  1. 15.1 Georg Wenker and the Tradition of Written Questionnaires
  2. 15.2 Testing Gilliéron’s Bias
  3. 15.3 Practical Advantages of Written Dialect Surveys
  4. 15.4 Asking the Right Questions
  5. 15.5 Looking Ahead
  6. REFERENCES
10. 16 Field Interviews in Dialectology
  1. 16.1 Introduction
  2. 16.2 Some Issues That Guide Approaches to Fieldwork
  3. 16.3 The Conduct of Field Interviews
  4. 16.4 The Atlas of North American English
  5. 16.5 Conclusion
  6. REFERENCES
11. 17 Corpus‐Based Approaches to Dialect Study
  1. 17.1 Introduction
  2. 17.2 Examples of Dialect Corpora
  3. 17.3 Research Questions
  4. 17.4 Methods
  5. 17.5 Issues and Problems
  6. 17.6 Future Directions
  7. REFERENCES
12. 18 Acoustic Phonetic Dialectology
  1. 18.1 Acoustics and Regional Dialects
  2. 18.2 Vocalic Studies
  3. 18.3 Consonantal Studies
  4. 18.4 Prosodic Studies
  5. 18.5 Outlook
  6. REFERENCES
13. 19 Computational Dialectology
  1. 19.1 Introduction
  2. 19.2 Categorical Comparisons
  3. 19.3 Frequency‐Based Methods
  4. 19.4 String Edit Distance
  5. 19.5 Consistency and Validity
  6. 19.6 Available Tools
  7. 19.7 Future Challenges
  8. REFERENCES
14. 20 Dialect Maps
  1. 20.1 Introduction
  2. 20.2 Mapping Techniques
  3. 20.3 Purposes of Dialect Maps
  4. 20.4 Future Perspectives, Challenges, and Risks
  5. REFERENCES
15. 21 Identifying Regional Dialects in On‐Line Social Media
  1. 21.1 Dialect in Social Media
  2. 21.2 Dataset
  3. 21.3 Known Lexical Variables
  4. 21.4 Discovering Lexical Variables
  5. 21.5 Discovering Dialect Regions
  6. 21.6 Change Over Time and Other Next Steps
  7. Acknowledgments
16. 22 Logistic Regression Analysis of Linguistic Data
  1. 22.1 Introduction
  2. 22.2 Category Data
  3. 22.3 Example Data
  4. 22.4 Model Fundamentals
  5. 22.5 Example Regression Analysis
  6. 22.6 Summary
  7. REFERENCES
17. 23 Statistics for Aggregate Variationist Analyses
  1. 23.1 Aggregation and Perspectives from the Aggregate
  2. 23.2 Clustering
  3. 23.3 Dimension Reduction
  4. 23.4 Regression Models
  5. 23.5 Conclusions and Prospects
  6. REFERENCES
18. 24 Spatial Statistics for Dialectology
  1. 24.1 Introduction
  2. 24.2 Data
  3. 24.3 Spatial Autocorrelation Analysis
  4. 24.4 Variogram Analysis
  5. 24.5 Spatial Interpolation
  6. 24.6 Conclusion
  7. References
Section 3 – Data
1. 25 Dialects of British and Southern Hemisphere English
  1. 25.1 Introduction
  2. 25.2 The Study of Dialects in Britain and the Southern Hemisphere
  3. 25.3 The Principal Linguistic Features of British and Southern Hemisphere Dialects
  4. REFERENCES
2. 26 Dialects of North American English
  1. 26.1 Introduction
  2. 26.2 The Study of North American English Dialects
  3. 26.3 Major North American English Dialects and Their Principal Features
  4. REFERENCES
3. 27 Dialects of German, Dutch, and the Scandinavian Languages
  1. 27.1 Basic Facts
  2. 27.2 Main Data Collections and Sources
  3. 27.3 Major Regional Dialect Divisions
  4. 27.4 Research Topics
  5. 27.5 Future Research
  6. REFERENCES
  7. ONLINE RESOURCES
4. 28 Dialects of French
  1. 28.1 Basic Facts
  2. 28.2 Major Regional Dialect Divisions and Linguistic Variables
  3. 28.3 Dialects of French: Main Studies and Sources
  4. 28.4 Themes of Past and Current Research
  5. 28.5 Future Research
  6. REFERENCES
5. 29 Dialects of Italy
  1. 29.1 Historical and Sociolinguistic Background
  2. 29.2 Sources
  3. 29.3 Classification
  4. REFERENCES
6. 30 Dialects of Spanish and Portuguese
  1. 30.1 Basic Facts
  2. 30.2 Spanish: Main Sources
  3. 30.3 Portuguese: Main Sources
  4. 30.4 Spanish Dialect Zones and Characteristics
  5. 30.5 Portuguese Dialect Zones and Characteristics
  6. 30.6 Current Research Trends
  7. 30.7 Future Research
  8. REFERENCES
7. 31 Dialects of the Slavic Languages
  1. 31.1 Introduction
  2. 31.2 East Slavic
  3. 31.3 West Slavic
  4. 31.4 South Slavic
  5. 31.5 Future Tasks
  6. REFERENCES
8. 32 Dialects of Arabic
  1. 32.1 Introduction
  2. 32.2 Varieties of Arabic in Contemporary Times
  3. 32.3 Arabic Dialect Geography
  4. Additional Resources
  5. REFERENCES
9. 33 Dialects in the Indo‐Aryan Landscape
  1. 33.1 Introduction
  2. 33.2 The Historical Record of Dialect Variation
  3. 33.3 Studies and Sources
  4. 33.4 Language and Dialect in the Indo‐Aryan Context
  5. 33.5 The Hindi Belt: Dialect Differences and Emergence of the Standard
  6. REFERENCES
10. 34 Dialects of Chinese
  1. 34.1 General Introduction
  2. 34.2 The Development of Chinese Dialect Research
  3. 34.3 The Classification of Chinese Dialects
  4. 34.4 Sources of Data on Chinese Dialects and Their Methods
  5. 34.5 Remaining Questions and Future Work
  6. 34.6 Discussion and Conclusions
  7. REFERENCES
11. 35 Dialects of Japanese
  1. 35.1 Introduction
  2. 35.2 The Main Studies and Sources
  3. 35.3 Divisions and Features of Japanese Dialects
  4. 35.4 Current Research
  5. 35.5 Japanese Dialectology in the Future
  6. REFERENCES
12. 36 Dialects of Malay/Indonesian
  1. 36.1 Malayic Languages and Dialects: Basic Facts
  2. 36.2 Main Studies and Sources
  3. 36.3 Past and Current Research Questions in the Study of Malay and Indonesian
  4. REFERENCES
Index
End User License Agreement

List of Tables

Chapter 03
1. Table 3.1 Partial LAMSAS speaker database.
2. Table 3.2 Partial database of dragonfly responses for LAMSAS speakers.
Chapter 05
1. Table 5.1 Findings: loss of DFD, territorial gain for WftD.
Chapter 07
1. Table 7.1 Meanings of the symbols used in the formula at (1).
Chapter 10
1. Table 10.1 Ratings for speech in the North (area 2 in Figure 10.9) and South (area 1 in Figure 10.9) for 12 attributes (* indicates the only two adjacent scores that are significantly different, and ‡ indicates negative ratings; Preston 1999c, 366).
2. Table 10.2 Mean scores based on regional values assigned each step of the increasingly monophthongized versions of /ay/ (Plichta and Preston 2005, 121).
3. Table 10.3 Formant values of tokens offered to respondents to match with the vowel in the speaker’s pronunciation of last (Niedzielski 1999, 74).
4. Table 10.4 Respondent matching results for the vowel in last (adapted from Niedzielski 1999, 72).
Chapter 14
1. Table 14.1 Examples of the different question types used in the Survey of English Dialects questionnaire (Orton 1962).
2. Table 14.2 Example questions from the Identity Questionnaire used in the Accent and Identity on the Scottish/English Border project (Watt et al., 2014a, 2014b).
3. Table 14.3 Example prompts from Cheshire et al. (1989) Survey of British Dialect Grammar.
Chapter 15
1. Table 15.1 Responses to four questions in Field interviews and Postal questionnaires in the Linguistic Atlas of the Upper Midwest (Allen 1973–1976; selected from Chambers 1998, 233, Table 3). Percentages exceed 100 because multiple answers were counted equally.
2. Table 15.2 Comparison of coverage and duration of the Field Survey and the Postal Survey for the Linguistic Atlas of the Upper Midwest (Allen 1973–1976, from Chambers 1998, 229, Table 1).
Chapter 16
1. Table 16.1 Correlation of might could in LAGS with Different Elicitation Strategies.
2. Table 16.2 Comparisons of Self Reports on the Use of Linguistic Features with Their Actual Use in 28 Interviews in the SOD Field Survey.
Chapter 19
1. Table 19.1 Correlations of linguistic measures with Norwegian perceptual distances. The Levenshtein variants given here generate absolute distances with forced alignment (see Section 19.4.2).
Chapter 22
1. Table 22.1 Three types of contrasts for a four‐level variable, City.
2. Table 22.2 Contingency table for was/were variation by individual speaker (single character labels), affirmative/negative, standard was/were contexts, gender, age, and speaker.
3. Table 22.3 Chi‐squared test for the model of independence for gender and was/were use, carried out separately for first‐ and third‐person singular versus second‐person or plural grammatical contexts.
4. Table 22.4 Logistic regression model of York English was/were variation, with reference‐cell parameterization.
5. Table 22.5 Logistic regression model of York was/were variation, with sum contrast parameterization.
6. Table 22.6 Likelihood ratio tests for parameter groups in Logistic regression model of York was/were variation.
7. Table 22.7 Speaker contrasts incorporating gender and age contrasts.
8. Table 22.8 Parameter values for the model York was/were variation in (22.5).
9. Table 22.9 Analysis of the deviances in the model of (22.5) and Table 22.8.
Chapter 23
1. Table 23.1 An example table of aggregate differences between Dutch sites. The cells in the diagonal are empty, with the implicit value zero since there are no differences between a site and itself. The cells below and to the left of the diagonal are blank, because these would be the same as those above and to the right, since the differences between sites a and b are the same as those between b and a. This also means that the row for the last site in the table can be empty. We omit this row as the example is developed further.
2. Table 23.2 The (partial) table after fusing Haarlem and Delft but before determining the differences between the recently fused element and the other elements. The missing values are signaled by question marks, and the following value is the mean of the distances from two components of the fusion to the other site. From Heeringa (2004: 147).
Chapter 24
1. Table 24.1 Join count results.
2. Table 24.2 Global Moran’s I results.
Chapter 26
1. Table 26.1 Broad transcription of English vowel phonemes, with keywords from Wells (1982). Keywords for /iw/ do not appear in Wells, who includes /iw/ in the GOOSE set.
Chapter 27
1. Table 27.1 Examples of the Second German Consonant Shift in High or Standard German forms, compared to unshifted sounds in Low German and other Germanic languages.
Chapter 34
1. Table 34.1 Chinese dialect classification based on geographical distribution. Numbers in the top row are column labels to aid in comparison of the different schemes. (Refer to Yan 2006: 8–9; Cf. Wang L. 1981: 487; Wang S‐Y 1996: 249; He 1995: 414–415.)

List of Illustrations

Chapter 02
1. Figure 2.1 Headword baeye, beye “berry” (Kiliaan 1599).
2. Figure 2.2 Onomasiological classification.
3. Figure 2.3 Example page from the onomasiological dictionary article SIJSJE “siskin” (old material, i.e., collected before 1950) in WVD III,1: 100.
Chapter 03
1. Figure 3.1 LAMSAS responses for the thunderstorm item. Word frequency (counts) is shown on the y axis, whereas the x axis represents the number of individual word forms (N = 109).
2. Figure 3.2 Partial map of bureau, dresser, chiffonier (and others) from the Linguistic Atlas of New England (Kurath 1939–1943).
3. Figure 3.3 Gilliéron’s (1918) map of “bee” variants in France and neighboring countries.
4. Figure 3.4 Map of snake doctor responses from LAMSAS, LAP website.
Chapter 05
1. Figure 5.1 Constraint ranking on a continuous scale with stochastic evaluation
Chapter 06
1. Figure 6.1 Distribution of du and man across “conditional construction” and “other contexts.”
2. Figure 6.2 Results from the LANCHART Jutland studies. Percentages of the perfect participle morpheme ‐et pronounced with an “eastern” approximant [ð] or a “western” stop [d] by social groups distinguished in terms of age/time (upper), and class/sex (lower). The total number of tokens is 3,328, produced by 104 informants.
Chapter 07
1. Figure 7.1 Flow chart of the methods used by the Regensburg‐Salzburg‐dialectometry.
2. Figure 7.2 Histogram of the total ALF‐corpus, showing the granulation and frequency of 1681 working maps (WMs) belonging to all linguistic categories. For better understanding: the granulation of the WMs starts with 2 taxates/WM (valid for 245 WMs) and ends with 90 taxates/WM (valid for 1 WM).
3. Plate 1 Sample of a phonetic working map: spatial distribution of the Gallo‐Romance results of final ‐A in the Latin etymon ÁLA (< Fr. aile) “wing“ (following ALF 204 aile). Cartographic status: qualitative choropleth map. See Section 7.7.1, pp. 129–131.
4. Figure 7.3 Data matrix and similarity matrix. Scheme of calculation of the interdialectal similarities via RIV_jk (Relative Identity Value).
5. Plate 2 Sample of a similarity map: spatial distribution of the similarity values referring to ALF‐point 307 (Saint‐Ay, Département Loiret). Similarity index: RIV_307,k: corpus: 1681 working maps, all linguistic categories; algorithm of visualisation: MINMWMAX 6‐tuple. Cartographic status: quantitative choropleth map. See Section 7.7.4, pp. 133–139.
6. Plate 3 Sample of a parameter map: synopsis of 641 skewness values (according to the asymmetry index of R. A. Fisher). Similarity index: RIV_jk: corpus: 1681 working maps, all linguistic categories; algorithm of visualisation: MEDMW 8‐tuple. Cartographic status: quantitative choropleth map. See Section 7.7.4, pp. 133–139.
7. Plate 4 Sample of a interpoint map (honeycomb mode): synopsis of 1791 distance values (according to RDV_jk). Distance index: RDV_jk: corpus: 1681 working maps, all linguistic categories; algorithm of visualisation: MEDMW 10‐tuple. Cartographic status: quantitative isarithmic (or: isopleth) map. See Section 7.7.4, pp. 133–139.
Chapter 08
1. Figure 8.1 A travel agent’s linguistic accommodation to her customers: the use of flapped /t/ in Cardiff (Coupland 1984, 63).
2. Figure 8.2 [eɪ] variants of /ei/ among different friendship subclusters within an East End London youth club Each speaker is represented by a circle; circled groups of speakers represent small friendship groups; the lines between the friendship groups show intergroup connections.
Chapter 09
1. Figure 9.1 Design of the southwest German dialect study (NORM = non‐mobile older rural male; NORF = non‐mobile older rural female).
2. Figure 9.2 Reflexes of MHG /ei/ in the word heim ‘home’ in the traditional dialects of southwest Germany, according to the Deutscher Sprachatlas (DSA) (black isoglosses) and the Südwestdeutsche Sprachatlas (SSA) (gray isoglosses and shaded areas). The symbols represent additional SSA questionnaire results in individual locations outside the main areas.
3. Figure 9.3 Reflexes of MHG /ei/ in the word heim ‘home’ in southwest German Alemannic in spontaneous speech (based on 1,356 tokens from 248 locations). For comparison, the map shows the old SSA isoglosses as well (gray isoglosses and shaded areas). The sizes of the symbols represent the number of tokens in each location
4. Figure 9.4 Realization of MHG /uo/ in std.G. Bruder “brother” in the traditional dialects (elicited data): Deutsche Sprachatlas (DSA) (solid black line, black dashed line), Fischer’s Schwäbischer Dialektatlas (1895) (black dashed line), and Südwestdeutscher Sprachatlas (SSA) (gray solid line, gray dashed line; adapted from Schwarz, 2015).
5. Figure 9.5 Realization of MHG /uo/ in std.G. Bruder “brother” in the traditional dialects (spontaneous data: 291 tokens from 112 locations). For comparison, the isoglosses given in the Südwestdeutscher Sprachatlas (elicited data) are added in gray
6. Figure 9.6 Pronunciation of the past participle (standard Danish) suffix ‐et in different Jutland dialect areas (Rasmussen et al. 2000 ; Map K 6.1, adapted from Jensen and Maegaard 2012, 172). Copyright Jysk Ordbog, reprinted with permission.
Chapter 10
1. Figure 10.1 The westernmost section of the North Brabant, showing dialectologists’ boundaries (thick lines) and the “little arrows” of respondent similarity perceptions
2. Figure 10.2 The determination of two perceptual dialectology areas in Itoigawa, Japan (Sibata 1959 [1999, 42]).
3. Figure 10.3 Mase’s perceptual dialect areas for a section of Alpine Japan (Mase 1964a [1999, 80]).
4. Figure 10.4 Southeastern Michigan (marked by an asterisk) respondents’ rating of degree‐of‐difference for the 50 US states (Preston 1996, 318).
5. Figure 10.5 A multidimensional scaling of Madrid respondents’ evaluations of degree‐of‐ difference for 17 areas of Spain (1 = Galicia, 2 = Asturias, 3 = Cantabria, 4 = Basque Country, 5 = Navarra, 6 = Aragon, 7 = Catalonia, 8 = Castile‐Leon, 9 = Rioja, 10 = Extremadura, 11 = Madrid, 12 = Castile‐La Mancha, 13 = Valencia, 14 = Balearic Islands, 15 = Andalusia, 16 = Murcia, 17 = Canary Islands) (Moreno and Moreno 2002, 304).
6. Figure 10.6 Cluster analysis (at .25) of Georgia respondents’ completion of a similarity pile‐sort task
7. Figure 10.7 The nine home sites of the male voices (Preston 1996, 322).
8. Figure 10.8 Cluster analysis of southern Michigan placement of nine voices on the map in Figure 10.7.
9. Figure 10.9 A hand‐drawn map of US dialect areas by a southeastern Michigan European‐American female, aged 18 in 1984.
10. Figure 10.10 Computer‐generalized regions from 147 southeastern Michigan hand‐drawn maps of US dialect areas (Preston 1996, 305).
11. Figure 10.11 A generalized perceptual map of English and Scottish dialects from the point of view of two north of England sites: Brampton and Hexham (Montgomery and Stoeckle 2013, Map 25).
12. Figure 10.12 A generalized perceptual map of Schopfheim respondent identification of the local dialect area compared to Catholic and Protestant areas in the same region (F = France, D = Germany, CH = Switzerland). Schopfheim is marked with a white arrow (Montgomery and Stoeckle 2013, Map 16).
13. Figure 10.13 Areas of Texas identified as having a “drawl” (Cukor‐Avila, forthcoming).
14. Figure 10.14 Areas of Texas identified as having a “twang” (Cukor‐Avila, forthcoming).
15. Figure 10.15 Southeastern Michigan ratings of the 50 US states, New York City, and Washington DC on a scale of 1 (least) to 10 (most) for language “correctness” (Preston 1996, 312).
16. Figure 10.16 Southeastern Michigan ratings of the 50 US states, New York City, and Washington DC on scale of 1 (least) to 10 (most) for language “pleasantness” (Preston 1996, 316).
17. Figure 10.17 Local and non‐local respondent groups’ correct understandings of the item socks as an isolated word, in a phrase, and in a sentence (Labov 2001, 69).
18. Figure 10.18 Change over time in girls’ and boys’ production and perception of the merger of the THOUGHT/LOT vowels (Herold 1990).
19. Figure 10.19 Assignment of seven‐step monophthongized male and female samples of guide to the nine sites in Figure 10.6 (Plichta and Preston 2005, 121).
Chapter 14
1. Figure 14.1 Example of map task materials as used in the Intonational Variation in English project (Grabe et al., 2001). The map on the right is used by the direction giver, the map on the left is used by the direction receiver.
2. Figure 14.2 Completed Sense Relation Network sheet (one of three) as used by a female speaker of Middlesbrough English (Llamas 1999, 114).
Chapter 16
1. Figure 16.1 Comparison of Self Reports on Six Features in the SOD Field Survey and Among Native Respondents in Communities under 25,000 in the SOD Telephone Survey
2. Figure 16.2 Sample Questions from the Protocol of the Field Survey Portion of SOD.
3. Figure 16.3
Chapter 17
1. Figure 17.1 Box plot depicting frequency variance of non‐standard was by dialect region in FRED (Szmrecsanyi 2010, 48).
Chapter 18
1. Figure 18.1 Spectrogram of a vowel with a superimposed formant track, showing possible measurement points for a token of the word life. Dashed vertical lines represent the onset and offset of the diphthong. Solid vertical lines represent timepoints 25%, 50%, and 75% of the distance between onset and offset.
2. Figure 18.2 F₁/F₂ plots of mean values of the vowels of two DARE speakers, one from northern Ohio (left) and one from central Ohio (right). The relative position of the GOOSE, GOAT, and various other vowels differs. Arrows indicate the gliding of dynamic vowels. Lower‐case letters represent classes with only a single token.
3. Figure 18.3 Mean normalized F₂ values of the GOAT vowel nucleus from two surveys, DARE and a sample of speakers born 1970 or later, from eastern Ohio. DARE speakers are underlined. Squares represent the most backed values, circles the most fronted, and triangles intermediate values. Younger speakers are more fronted than the DARE speakers. Circles (fronted forms) are found mostly south of the horizontal line, whereas younger speakers with backed forms (squares) are found only north of the horizontal line.
4. Figure 18.4 Landmarks used for the measurement of peak delay, that is, the position of the peak value of a pitch accent relative to its host syllable. The pitch track, set from 50 to 350 Hz, is superimposed on a wideband spectrogram set from 0 to 5000 Hz. The first pitch accent is hosted by the syllable I. The onset and offset of the I syllable are marked, as well as the peak of the pitch contour. The onset is at 0.082 second into the sound file, the offset at 0.271 second. The peak is 0.189 second after the onset, that is, 0.790 of the distance from onset to offset.
Chapter 19
1. Figure 19.1 Relative feature frequencies measured for 21 features by Hoppenbrouwers and Hoppenbrouwers (2001). Gray bars represent frequencies for the northern Dutch dialect of Wagenborgen, and black bars represent frequencies for the southern Dutch dialect of Kerkrade. Frequencies are divided by the total number of segments in a dialect text. The correlation between the frequencies of the two dialect locations is r = 0.95. Picture after Hoppenbrouwers and Hoppenbrouwers (2001, 9–10).
2. Figure 19.2 The number of operations in a multidimensional Levensthein distance increases exponentially with the number of dimensions (2n – 1), that is, the number of strings that is simultaneously considered by the algorithm. Picture taken from Heeringa and Hinskens (2015).
Chapter 20
1. Figure 20.1 Isogloss map (variants for “hungry” in the dialects of England, AED, map 53).
2. Figure 20.2 Point‐symbol map (lexemes for “billy goat” in the dialects of the Carpathian Mountains, OKDA, vol. 5, map 73).
3. Figure 20.3 Point diagram map (several vowel features for the historically [1914] Armenian‐speaking territories in the Middle East, Sargsyan 2008, map 10 [detail]).
4. Figure 20.4 Point‐text map (variants for “oil lamp” in the Southern Italian dialects, AIS, vol. 5, map 915 [detail]). The numbers (e.g., “791” etc.) refer to collection sites.
5. Figure 20.5 Directed line map (movements of the variants of the intervocalic consonant cluster ‐hs/ss/ks‐ in Germany, Schirmunski 1956, map 15).
6. Figure 20.6 Qualitative area map/chorochromatic map (multilingualism in the Aosta Valley, Dell’Aquila 2010, map 2304 [redrawn in grayscale]).
7. Figure 20.7 Surface map/shaded isarithms (spelling variants o [along the north‐western coastline including Middelburg, Rotterdam, The Hague, brown in the original color version of the map] and a [in the triangle roughly between Arnhem, Brussels, and Maastricht, green in the original] in af “off” in fourteenth‐century Middle Dutch charters (Wattel and van Reenen 2010, map 2502 [redrawn in grayscale]).
8. Figure 20.8 Point‐symbol map with isogloss (pail [open circles] versus bucket [dots] in Pennsylvania (Carver 1987, p. 11 [detail; numbers not in the original]).
Chapter 21
1. Figure 21.1 An example broadcast message followed by a conversational reply, which is addressed to the original author by beginning the message with his username.
2. Figure 21.2 Geolocations for messages containing four lexical variables known from previous work on spoken American English. In every case but yinz, 1000 randomly selected examples are plotted; for yinz, only 535 examples are observed, so all are plotted.
3. Figure 21.3 Four examples of lexical variables discovered from social media analysis.
4. Figure 21.4 Cumulative proportion of counts across top metropolitan areas. The plot for a word will be flat to the extent that its usage is dominated by a single city, and will track the “all” line to the extent that its usage is independent of geography.
5. Figure 21.5 Geolocations for messages containing the words af (as fuck), ard (alright), ion (i don’t), lbvs (laughing but very serious), ctfu (cracking the fuck up), and the emoticon ‐_‐ (ambivalence or annoyance).
Chapter 22
1. Figure 22.1 QQ‐normal plot of model residuals.
2. Figure 22.2 Plot of residuals versus fitted values for the model, separated by affirmative and negative polarity contexts; lines connect points belonging to the same individual.
3. Figure 22.3 Model diagnostics for the model in (22.5) fit to data from the affirmative polarity contexts of Table 22.2.
Chapter 23
1. Figure 23.1 A dendrogram displaying the results of UPGMA clustering on the distance matrix in Table 23.1. From Heeringa (2004: 147). The horizontal distance from the leaves on the left to a branching point shows the cophenetic distance.
2. Figure 23.2 Left: a map of the Netherlands showing the largest four clusters obtained using Ward's method. We shall discuss the Frisian area in the Northwest, the Lower Saxon area in the Northeast, the West Flemish (including Zealand) area in the Southwest, and the large Franconian area in the middle. On the right, a projection of the same data into two dimensions using MDS (r = 0.76). The MDS graph shows that there is an “archipelago” of Frisian sites (boxes) that are quite similar to Lower Saxon, and that Lower Saxon is otherwise fairly distinct, whereas the West Flemish and Franconian sites are less well distinguished. The MDS perspective adds to the clustering. From Gabmap, www.gabmap.nl.
3. Figure 23.3 Contour plot obtained with a generalized additive model. The contour plot shows a regression surface of pronunciation distance (from standard Dutch) as a function of longitude and latitude obtained with a generalized additive model using a thin plate regression spline. The (black) contour lines represent aggregate distance isoglosses, darker shades of gray indicate smaller distances closer to the standard Dutch language, lighter shades of gray represent greater distances. Note that the empty square indicates the location of the IJsselmeer, a large lake in the Netherlands. Reprinted (including caption) from Wieling (2012) with permission.
Chapter 24
1. Figure 24.1 Not contraction raw map.
2. Figure 24.2 Everyone/Everybody alternation raw map.
3. Figure 24.3 Not contraction Getis‐Ord G_i* map (600 km maximum distance).
4. Figure 24.4 Everyone/Everybody Getis‐Ord G_i* map (600 km maximum distance).
5. Figure 24.5 Not contraction Getis‐Ord G_i map (inverse distance).
6. Figure 24.6 Everyone/Everybody Getis‐Ord G_i map (inverse distance).
7. Figure 24.7 Not contraction local Moran’s I map (600 km maximum distance).
8. Figure 24.8 Not contraction Getis‐Ord G_i* variogram.
9. Figure 24.9 Not contraction inverse distance weighted interpolation.
10. Figure 24.10 Not contraction ordinary kriging.
Chapter 25
1. Figure 25.1 Trudgill’s dialect boundaries of England. Letters A to I identify localities and boundaries mentioned in the main text.
Chapter 26
1. Figure 26.1 Major dialects of North American English.
Chapter 27
1. Map 27.1 Traditional dialects of German around 1900.
Chapter 28
1. Figure 28.1 The indigenous non‐French varieties of France.
Chapter 29
1. Figure 29.1 Percentage of Italian, dialect, diglot, and other languages speakers in Tuscany, Veneto, Apulia, and around the province of Bolzano in 2000 and 2006 (cf. ISTAT).
2. Figure 29.2 Survey locations where informants invert the subject‐verb order of Questa donna non mi piace (AIS 1678). In gray, we indicate the “standard” word order; in italics, the added elements, whose basic forms appear as column headings in the top row.
3. Figure 29.3 The dialect groupings in Italy
Chapter 31
1. Figure 31.1 Map of Russian dialect regions discussed in the text.Legend: darker lines indicate borders between major regions, labeled with Roman numerals; lighter lines indicate borders between sub‐regional dialects areas, labeled with Arabic numerals. I North Russian: 1. Ladoga‐Tikhvin; 2. Vologda; 3. Kostroma; 4. Interzonal. II South Russian: 5. Western; 6. Upper Dnepr; 7. Upper Desna; 8. Kursk‐Orjol; 9. Rjazan; 10a Western interzonal; 10b Eastern interzonal. III Central Russian: 11. Gdov; 12. Novgorod; 13. Pskov; 14. Vladimir‐Volga. Gray area: Western dialect zone.
Chapter 32
1. Figure 32.1 Map showing the Arabic‐speaking regions and the status of Arabic in the various countries
Chapter 33
1. Figure 33.1 The distribution of the Indo‐Aryan languages.
Chapter 34
1. Figure 34.1 Family tree diagram showing the branching of Chinese dialect groups from Han Chinese, their common ancestral “parent.”
2. Figure 34.2 Map of Chinese and Non‐Chinese languages, with locations of major regional varieties of Chinese
Chapter 35
1. Figure 35.1 Dialect regions of Japan.
Chapter 36
1. Figure 36.1 Location of Malay and Malayic varieties referred to in this section.¹

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