Cover Page

Understanding the Life Course

Sociological and Psychological Perspectives

2nd Edition

Lorraine Green














polity

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Sue Ferris, Ros Day, Karen Clarke and my previous students at the University of Manchester and the University of Nottingham for their impetus, support and insights in relation to writing the second edition of this book. My colleagues in the Centre for Social Work at Nottingham University were also supportive and great team players. My editor at Polity, Jonathan Skerrett, was consistently encouraging and patient, and Leigh Mueller was an excellent copy editor.

Introduction

What this book is about

This is a book about people’s lifelong experiences from birth to death and how they change, adapt, develop and decline throughout life, although not necessarily in a linear or predictable manner. Influences on our life courses include biology, geography and the environment, psychological development, the socio-historical context, and the national and international political and economic climate. This book is primarily concerned with how sociology and psychology perceive, research and theorize the life course, enabling students to think outside of the ‘box’ of their own parochial experiences and therefore dispel common misperceptions around people’s behaviour and our society. Therefore, the beliefs that biology and chronological ageing have an overwhelming influence on how we change or what we become, or alternatively that the problems or achievements some groups disproportionately experience are due more to their inherent individual failings or merits than to societal influences, are continually challenged within this book. Holding such uncritical age-related beliefs and viewpoints can culminate in inaccurate stereotypes (sometimes cross-cut by discriminatory ‘race’/ethnicity, gender or class assumptions). These include the pervading images of the innocent (or sometimes the demonic) child; the delinquent youth or vulgar Chav; the hypersexual young black man; the unattractive middle-aged spinster; and the infirm, confused older person.

Within everyday conversations, subjective viewpoints about people are frequently expressed as fact. These might include the beliefs that women are ‘naturally’ less technological and more emotional than men, that black people are lazy or less intelligent than whites, or that criminals or drug addicts were born bad or are evil. These are uncritical resorts to: (i) biology; and (ii) individual/group pathologization. It is therefore important to examine what ideas underlie these suppositions, what evidence corroborates or refutes these ‘common sense’ assumptions, and what counts as valid evidence. Many facets of individuals are the culmination of multiple influences, rendering it difficult to ascertain, for example, to what extent one’s intelligence (in itself a problematic concept) is linked to genes or the environment, or represents a complicated interaction between the two. Complex intersections between the overarching frameworks of society, such as the law and societal norms (structure), and the individual’s (semi-)autonomous behaviour (agency), are important. It is, however, difficult to quantitatively assess how far individuals’ and groups’ behaviour is influenced by society, culture and their own free will, and to what extent nature (biology and genetics) plays a part. This is sometimes referred to as the nature/nurture debate.

This book focuses on the United Kingdom (UK), but also has much relevance to a Westernized Euro-American and Australasian audience, despite political, social, educational and economic differences between countries – some significant, others relatively unimportant. Although UK research is preferentially drawn upon as a first step in this book, where little research is available on a particular aspect, research from similar Western countries substitutes or is used to reinforce points made. Many comparative examples are also drawn on purposively from different historical time periods, cultures and countries. They demonstrate how diverse people’s life courses can be across geography, history and culture, detracting from isolated biological or national understandings. Issues of difference in relation to social class, sex and gender, disability/illness, sexual orientation and ‘race’/ethnicity will also be analysed in terms of their impact on people’s lives. These differences are often socially exaggerated or distorted and used to create or reinforce social divisions and significant inequalities. These inequalities may be unacknowledged, actively denied, defended (as in the previous examples relating to gender and ‘race’) or manifest themselves as discriminatory stereotypes (as in the examples of the delinquent youth or doddery, disorientated old person). Assumed individual weaknesses and strengths and biological explanations are consequently drawn upon as a way of either ignoring or supporting injustices with strong social causes.

The term ‘life course’ is considered by most sociologists and many life course social science academics to be more flexible than other prevalent terms often used by traditional psychologists and biologists, such as ‘life span development’ and ‘the life cycle’. ‘Life course’ and ‘life courses’ are the preferred terms here because there are not always clear, linear, chronological trajectories through one’s life which replicate themselves with each generation in a circular manner. Furthermore, in modern societies we often ‘appear’ faced with endless choices about our identities and lifestyles. In post-industrial societies, people from similar backgrounds, sometimes born only a few years apart, can also experience fundamentally different lives due to rapidly changing social, technological, economic or political situations. In small tribal societies, one’s life and identity are already largely mapped out, changing little unless disrupted by Western interference.

Why combine sociology and psychology?

Some books deal with the entire life course from a single disciplinary angle such as sociology (Hunt, 2005) or life span psychology (Hendry and Kloep, 2002; Berger, 2005; Santrock, 2009; Boyd and Bee, 2014). Alternatively, particular stages of the life course, such as childhood or old age, are analysed from a single or multi-disciplinary perspective, or life course books focus on a particular aspect, such as disability (Priestly, 2003), identity (Hockey and James, 2003) or attachment (Howe, 2011). Some multi-disciplinary life course / human development texts are written principally for vocational students (e.g. Sudbery, 2009; Beckett and Taylor, 2010; Frost and McClean, 2014; Nicholson, 2014; Parrish, 2014; Walker and Crawford, 2014). Although many of these are very strong on psychology/biology (with Frost and McClean adopting a psychosocial, Nicholson ‘a material-discursive-intra-psychic’, and Sudbery and Parrish a biopsychosocial approach), their incorporation of sociology is therefore understandably limited, as is a detailed comparison between sociology and psychology. Few of these vocational texts, furthermore, deal with young and middle adulthood in depth. This book compares both sociological and psychological perspectives evenly in relation to the entire life course in a comprehensive, accessible and contemporary manner.

Although this book draws from many disciplines, the two primary disciplines most useful for understanding human behaviour across the life course are sociology and psychology. Biological perspectives are important, but need to be located within their relationship to particular societies and not deployed in a reductionist manner as if they were the only determining factor of behaviour. Similarly, anthropological or historical perspectives are useful comparatively as they dispel notions of the ‘universally natural’ or ‘unnatural’ in relation to behaviour across different societies.

Who this book is for and why it will be useful

This book was written principally for undergraduate and postgraduate social work / social care, health and education students and for practitioners and academics. It offers access to detailed core sociological and psychological research and theory, which can positively influence professional decisions and form an underpinning for practice. Although not everyone will work with people of all ages – for example, primary school teachers, geriatric nurses or child protection social workers – one rarely works with a certain age category in isolation. Understanding kinship ties with parents and other significant adults, and being cognisant of their life stage issues and problems, are therefore important for those working predominantly with children. Evaluating the impact of earlier life stages and previous experiences on individuals’ current situations is similarly necessary for those working with adults. Therefore, for those working with older people, comprehending the significance of historical and social events – such as wars, the advent of the NHS and free health care – and the effects of rapid technological advances for/on older people, as well as evaluating how society treats them (as wise and useful citizens or as weak and a drain on resources), are imperative. This book will be particularly useful to vocational degree students because, although they have less time than single honours pure degree students to study a particular discipline, they require multi-disciplinary knowledge to work effectively across inter-professional teams or organizations. The degree benchmarks for some professional degrees such as social work, furthermore, require students to acquire a holistic and contextualized understanding of human behaviour. It is consequently important that such professionals are able to understand both a psychological approach and how a sociological worldview may at times mediate, challenge or complement it.

This book is also ideal for students undertaking sociology and psychology (for example, behavioural sciences) degrees, as it offers a rare but solid and integrated multi-disciplinary account of the life course / human development, whereas most relevant books only cover the life course from one disciplinary angle. This text introduces and explains the important key terms and concepts used by both disciplines, and looks at the strengths and weaknesses of, and the similarities and differences between them, in the first chapter. It then sets sociology and psychology side by side for each age stage, contrasting and comparing how they research and theorize the life course.

The book purposively does not incorporate extensive practice exemplars and hypothetical case studies, as some of the other vocational texts do, in order to include as much research and theory as possible. Instead, useful discussion questions follow each chapter alongside recommended wider reading. These questions can be worked through individually by students or form the basis for lecturer-initiated group discussions. There is also much research discussed that illustrates how the trajectories of atypical life courses might progress, which will be useful to students. Disability, mental ill health or abuse may, for example, affect attachment, communication or learning for short periods or throughout the life course, but so does how society produces or understands, labels and treats people who have been abused, have mental health issues or are disabled, thereby illustrating the complex interactions between sociology and psychology, society and the individual. Furthermore, there is an extensive reference list at the end of the book to enable the reader to follow up on any literature they find interesting. This text will therefore not just act as a resource for when students are studying life course or human development modules, but should be useful throughout various degree programmes.

Childhood, adolescence, early adulthood, etc., are examined as chronological age/stage markers, whilst simultaneously being problematized as such through a critical analysis of common-sense age assumptions and stereotypes. Therefore, although the chapters are structured fairly traditionally for ease of reading and reference, no assumptions are made about the inevitability, accuracy or meanings of age categories. Some similarities amongst people of the same age seem relatively universal but people’s experiences of age, ageing and age categories generally vary greatly across culture and history. Adolescence, for example, only emerged in the mid twentieth century and, with growing longevity, old age is now often subdivided into a perceived third age of good health and comfort and a more dependent and less healthy fourth age. This book is also strong on empirical examples, constantly interlinking theoretical conceptualizations with research findings, interesting examples and pertinent statistics or quotations. It can be read chronologically through successive chapters but these can also be understood standing alone.

Summary of the chapters: brief contents

Chapter 1 introduces different theoretical concepts surrounding the life course, stressing linearity and multi-directionality as well as continuity and discontinuity, and adopting a multi-disciplinary perspective. The complex interplay between nature and nurture or genetics/biology and culture/society will also be examined. Such an analysis will be important because historical and ideological shifts often occur between seeing certain problems, such as crime or mental ill health, as predominantly biological or, alternatively perceiving them as overwhelmingly caused by the environment. As part of presenting an integrated perspective, it will be necessary to define and discuss the different elements and methods of sociology and psychology, their subdivisions of life span psychology and life course sociology and their similarities and differences. The importance of not resorting to ‘common sense’ or lay viewpoints when trying to understand the life course will also be critically covered.

Chapter 2 illustrates how infancy and childhood are perceived and theorized through developmental psychology, which explains how children progressively develop physically, cognitively and psychosocially. Pioneering theorists such as Erikson, Freud, Bowlby and Piaget are introduced and key research studies are analysed, alongside an evaluation of their contemporary validity and relevance. Traditional developmental psychology sees growth as an inherently linear, maturational process, and reaching certain psychological or physical milestones at particular ages as indicative of normal development. Although more recent developmental psychology takes the social context and different life course pathways into account, it pays far less attention to this and structural factors than sociology does. The ecological systems theory, neuropsychology and resilience theory, newer psychological developments, are also introduced and analysed in this chapter.

Chapter 3 both critiques and represents a challenge to traditional developmental child psychology and traditional sociology approaches, drawing from the insights and theories of critical developmental psychologists, cross-cultural psychologists and the ‘new sociology of childhood’ theorists. Developmental psychology is initially criticized for its apolitical conservative stance; its representation of the child as a ‘naturally’ developing being, relatively unaffected by external influences; its overemphasis on measurement; its biological determinism; its relative ignorance of cross-cultural differences; and its view of the child as unequivocally deficient. The new social studies of childhood conversely illuminates the multiple cultural and historical constructions of childhood, revealing how children today are far more competent and able to be autonomous than we frequently allow them to be and give them credit for. The chapter confirms childhood as a subordinated social status in which protectionist, paternalist decisions are frequently made on behalf of children, who are rarely seriously involved in important decisions about their lives. It also highlights the ways in which children are often both exploited and overprotected today and how social divisions like gender and social class profoundly affect their subsequent life course trajectories.

Chapter 4 examines the early teenage years from the beginning of puberty to early adulthood. Psychologists use the term ‘adolescence’, whilst sociologists disproportionately refer to the term ‘youth’ in preference, although ‘youth’ incorporates a more extended period. Early psychological developmental theory placed great emphasis on biological changes and assumed these caused distinctive emotional and cognitive transformations during puberty, although some contemporary psychologists are much more cautious. Psychologists’ understandings of adolescents’ attachment issues and their physical, intellectual and personality development are also examined. Following this, sociological themes pertinent to youth are evaluated. These include the periodic demonization of young people, which extends back to the nineteenth century and associated moral panics surrounding their behaviour; changes in youth unemployment and higher education; young people’s changing values and political beliefs; their consumption-driven behaviour; new technology; and how social inequalities related to social class, ‘race’/ethnicity and gender impact on all of these.

Chapter 5 explores young adulthood, extending from about 18 up to 40 years. Psychology concentrates here on physical, cognitive, moral and psychosocial changes and development. Psychological claims of a new developmental period, ‘emerging adulthood’, are evaluated from both psychological and sociological vantage points. The key sociological topics analysed are the contested and uncertain transitions into and markers associated with contemporary adult status; the role work plays for young adults and their dissonant expectations and subsequent experience of work; the importance of leisure, sport and new technology; and changing family, friendship and relationship structures and practices. These have become more heterogeneous and flexible due to significant technological, attitudinal, legal and social changes. How social inequalities and divisions impact on all of these is also analysed.

Chapter 6 investigates middle adulthood, despite its relative contemporary and historical neglect by both disciplines. Physical, cognitive and psychosocial changes are scrutinized with an emphasis on whether concepts such as the ‘empty nest syndrome’ or ‘the midlife crisis’ are universally applicable. Assumptions about inevitable midlife physical and intellectual decline are investigated and found to be deficient. There is moderate physical senescence in middle age, alongside some minimal intellectual decline, although gains can occur in some specific intellectual and cognitive areas. In the section on sociology, ageing, self-perception and body image during midlife are revealed as very important, particularly for women. The significance of and various changes in leisure pursuits and physical activity are analysed, as are lifestyle changes relating to travel, and the types of food eaten, how it is ingested, and when and where people eat. Positive and negative media representations of middle-aged people, depicting them either as an inspiration or as selfish and an impending drain on societal resources, are examined. The stress work places on midlifers, who often have other onerous caring family responsibilities, is also analysed, gender and social class being important mediators. The impact of new reproductive technology and attitudes towards it are evaluated with respect to later motherhood, as are different kinship and living arrangements, such as gay and lesbian relationships, long-distance partnerships and single person households.

Chapter 7 considers old age, potentially the longest life stage, extending from 60 years to a possible 120 years, the known upper limits of our life span. Old age is, however, a movable feast and seems more associated with institutional markers, such as compulsory retirement and pension ages, than any objective or strictly chronological factors. In other societies, old age may not be judged chronologically but by family hierarchy, or characteristics such as vitality or wisdom. In the section on psychology, various explanatory theories of ageing are examined alongside physical, cognitive and psychosocial changes. The societal negativity surrounding old age and previous assumptions about dramatic physical and mental decline are shown to be greatly overstated, many older people being relatively independent and possessing greater adaptive facilities than previously thought. Within sociology, a key theme is ageism, which can pertain to any age but has been particularly detrimental to how older people are represented and treated. Theories deployed to explain the negative treatment of the elderly, such as ‘structured dependency theory’ and ‘the civilizing process’, are also evaluated. How one’s specific cohort, generation and associated prior life experiences impact on the experience of old age is also reviewed, as is the impact of social inequalities. These can confer either significant cumulative advantage or disadvantage by old age in terms of health and longevity, income, housing and lifestyle. Depictions of older people as a demographic time bomb in terms of extensive future care needs are also critically evaluated.

Chapter 8 is devoted to death and dying and grief and loss. Traditional psychology mostly develops individualistic, linear theories to explain the emotional stages people purportedly go through when they know they are dying or have been bereaved. However, newer psychological theories appear more flexible and less stage orientated. They are cautious about labelling different forms of grieving as pathological, and more inclusive of the social context than earlier psychologists, but are still not sufficiently attentive to the impact of the context within which grieving takes place. Sociologists, conversely, pay minimal attention to individuals’ emotional states and feelings, focusing on how the different social and historical contexts within which death and dying take place impact upon our attitudes and responses to death. Sociologists show how the progressive medicalization and bureaucratization of death in modern societies, alongside increasing longevity, has led to us having less acquaintance with it. We therefore have become increasingly fearful about how to respond when we are dying or someone close to us dies or is diagnosed with a terminal illness. Sociologists also illustrate how social inequalities significantly affect how and when we will die and what we will die from, following the cumulative advantage or disadvantage argument previously presented. Despite this, sociologists rarely engage with the significant emotions death and dying engender in us.

This introductory section has therefore explained why possessing a multi-disciplinary understanding of the life course is important for students on many vocational degree courses and those studying social science degrees, illustrating how a deficit of such knowledge can leave students resorting to inaccurate, anecdotal viewpoints. It has also summarized the contents of the individual chapters and justified why a chronological perspective of the life course, albeit a critical one, is being adopted. The first chapter lays the conceptual and theoretical foundations for the subsequent chapters. It explains key aspects of psychology and sociology and their specific orientations to the life course, clarifies and illustrates key terminology and finally analyses the progress of interdisciplinary life course research.