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Contents

Studies in Urban and Social Change

Published by Blackwell in association with the International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. Seríes editors: Chris Pickvance, Margit Mayer and John Walton.

Published

The City Builders

Susan S. Fainstein

Divided Cities

Susan S. Fainstein, Ian Gordon, and Michael Harloe (eds)

Fragmented Societies

Enzo Mingione

Free Markets and Food Riots

John Walton and David Seddon

The Resources of Poverty

Mercedes González de la Rocha

Post-Fordism

Ash Amin (ed.)

The People’s Home?

Social Rented Housing in Europe and America

Michael Harloe

Cities after Socialism

Urban and Regional Change and Conflict in Post-Socialist Societies

Gregory Andrusz, Michael Harloe and Ivan Szelenyi (eds)

Urban Poverty and the Underclass: A Reader

Enzo Mingione

Capital Culture

Gender at Work in the City

Linda McDowell

Forthcoming

Urban Social Movements and the State

Margit Mayer

Contemporary Urban Japan

A Sociology of Consumption

John Clammer

The Social Control of Cities

Sophie Body-Gendot

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In memory of my father, F. H, Leigh 1917–1995

List of Illustrations

FIGURES

Employment in Greater London by financial category, 1981–1991
Women as a percentage of all employees in investment banks in the City, 1992
Employment in Merbank by gender and status
Distribution of professional men and women by department in Merbank
Distribution of professional men and women by grade in Merbank

PLATES

The new Lloyds building juxtaposed to Victorian solidarity
Broadgate façade
Bankers at play
Serra’s ‘Fulcrum’
Botero’s ‘Broadgate Venus’
Youthful exuberance on the trading floor
Patriarchal attitudes
Head and shoulders
Young, and sexy, princes
Princesses: objects of male desire?
Female authority?
Outrageous femininity

MAPS

UK banks and other finance houses in the City, 1994
Foreign banks in the City, 1993

List of Tables

Employment in financial services in Greater London, 1981–1991
Employment in financial services in the City of London, 1991
Occupational distribution of women and men in the City of London’s investment banks, 1992
Perceived job segregation by economic sector
Women and men by age and grade in Merbank
Marital and familial status and age of women and men in professional occupations in the ‘three banks’ sample
The characteristics of the ‘three banks’ sample of professional employees
Comparison of salary levels in investment banking in 1992

Series Preface

In the past three decades there have been dramatic changes in the fortunes of cities and regions, in beliefs about the role of markets and states in society, and in the theories used by social scientists to account for these changes. Many of the cities experiencing crisis in the 1970s have undergone revitalisation while others have continued to decline. In Europe and North America new policies have introduced privatisation on a broad scale at the expense of collective consumption, and the viability of the welfare state has been challenged. Eastern Europe has witnessed the collapse of state socialism and the uneven implementation of a globally driven market economy. Meanwhile the less developed nations have suffered punishing austerity programmes that divide a few newly industrialising countries from a great many cases of arrested and negative growth.

Social science theories have struggled to encompass these changes. The earlier social organisational and ecological paradigms were criticised by Marxian and Weberian theories, and these in turn have been disputed as all-embracing narratives. The certainties of the past, such as class theory, are gone and the future of urban and regional studies appears relatively open.

The aim of the series Studies in Urban and Social Change is to take forward this agenda of issues and theoretical debates. The series is committed to a number of aims but will not prejudge the development of the field. It encourages theoretical works and research monographs on cities and regions. It explores the spatial dimension of society including the role of agency and of institutional contexts in shaping urban form. It addresses economic and political change from the household to the state. Cities and regions are understood within an international system, the features of which are revealed in comparative and historical analyses.

The series also serves the interests of university classroom and professional readers. It publishes topical accounts of important policy issues (e.g. global adjustment), reviews of debates (e.g. post-Fordism) and collections that explore various facets of major changes (e.g. cities after socialism or the new urban underclass). The series urges a synthesis of research and theory, teaching and practice. Engaging research monographs (e.g. on women and poverty in Mexico or urban culture in Japan) provide vivid teaching materials just as policy-oriented studies (e.g. of social housing or urban planning) test and redirect theory. The city is analysed from the top down (e.g. through the gendered culture of investment banks) and the bottom up (e.g. in challenging social movements). Taken together, the volumes in the series reflect the latest developments in urban and regional studies.

Subjects which fall within the scope of the series include; explanations for the rise and fall of cities and regions; economic restructuring and its spatial, class and gender impact; race and identity; convergence and divergence of the ‘east’ and ‘west’ in social and institutional paterns; new divisions of labour and forms of social exclusion; urban and environmental movements; international migration and capital flows; politics of the urban poor in developing countries; cross-national comparisons or housing, planning and development; debates on post-Fordism, the consumption sector and the ‘new’ urban poverty.

Studies in Urban and Social Change addresses an international and interdisciplinary audience of researchers, practitioners, students and urban enthusiasts. Above all, it endeavours to reach the public with compelling accounts of contemporary society.

Editorial Committee
John Walton, Chair
Margit Mayer
Chris Pickvance

May 1997

Acknowledgements

This book is the result of field work in the City of London. While the banks who opened their doors to me and the people who talked to me must remain anonymous, I want to thank them for their interest and frankness. It was a pleasure for me to learn about their ideas and their everyday lives and I hope they think the results have been worth it. I have also been fortunate to be able to share this work with colleagues and friends in a range of institutions in many parts of the world. The study was started in the company of social scientists, mainly geographers at the Open University, funded by an ESRC grant. I acknowledge the support of this institution and the companionship, intellectual stimulus and advice of John Allen, Allan Cochrane, Chris Hamnett, Doreen Massey and Phil Sarre, but especially Gill Court who is now working in the USA. I am indebted to her not only for carrying out many of the interviews on which this book is based but also for the analysis of personnel data from one of the case study banks. Some of the argument in chapters 2 and 3 is drawn from working papers that Gill and I wrote together, and chapters 6 and 7 are rewritten versions of jointly authored papers,

Rosemary Pringle was a key influence. Her work on secretaries (Pringle, 1989), which I read before I came to know her, helped me to think about sexuality, power and desire in the workplace. I was then fortunate to be able to work with Rosemary at the Open University in 1991, and her friendship, along with that of Sophie Watson, was vital in influencing my ideas about power at work, I am also grateful to many of the feminist colleagues inside and outside geography departments who have talked, discussed and argued with me as I worked on this book. In particular, I thank Susan Christopherson, Susan Hanson and Margaret Fitzsimmons in the USA and Liz Bondi, Suzy Reimer, Hazel Christie, Jennifer Rubin, Sylvia Walby, Jane Wills and Michelle Lowe in the UK. I also thank all those people who heard me give papers drawing on parts of this work. Although I cannot acknowledge you all individually, your comments made a difference. The debt I owe to Nigel Thrift should be evident in the text. It was he who first provoked me to an empirical investigation of the social structure of the ‘new’ City. A longer debt to Ray Pahl must also be gratefully acknowledged. I first met Ray as the ‘boss’ of the Centre for Research in the Social Sciences at the University of Kent years ago and since then he has become a friend as well as a colleague. His stimulating work ‘on work’ throughout the 1980s has been a key influence.

While I started the research on which this book is based at the Open University, the main part and its completion occurred after I moved to the Department of Geography at Cambridge. In its congenial atmosphere, I found stimulus and space to write and the interest of Stuart Corbridge, Ron Martin and Alan Hudson in global money was a boon. So thanks go to my newer colleagues too. Margit Mayer, Chris Pickvance and John Walton, the editors of this series, read the whole of the book when it was longer than this and their insightful comments were a great help in the production of a leaner version. I am extremely grateful for their succinct, incisive but encouraging editorial advice. Finally, the insights I gained from texts and interviews into forms of masculinity and femininity were immeasurably strengthened by living with my adolescent children: to Hugh and Sarah I owe a debt greater than they know. I thank them and their father for their love and support – and all the meals they made when I was busy.

Parts of this book have previously appeared in earlier versions as: ‘Gender divisions of labour in the post-Fordist economy’, Environment and Planning A (Pion Ltd, London, 1994), 26, pp. 1397–418; ‘Missing subjects: gender, power, and sexuality in merchant banking’, Economic Geography (July 1994), 70:2, pp. 229–51; ‘Performing work: bodily representations in merchant banks’, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space (Pion Ltd, London, 1994), 12, pp. 727–50; and ‘Body work’ in D. Bell and G. Valentine (eds), Mapping Desire (Routledge, London, 1995),

The author and publisher are also grateful to the following for permission to reproduce the photographs: Emma Hallett (), the Guardian and the Observer (, , ), Kippa Matthews (), Rapho (). Every effort has been made to trace copyright-holders, and we apologise for any errors or omissions in these acknowledgements. The publisher would be grateful to be notified of any corrections that should be incorporated in the next edition or reprint of this book.

Linda McDowell

Introduction: Money and Work

In the 1980s there was a huge expansion of employment in the financial services sector of advanced industrial economies. In Britain, the US and Japan, the deregulation of money markets, the development of new financial instruments and the introduction of new technologies that enabled the almost instantaneous transfer of vast sums of money between the monetary exchanges in each of these nations seemed to point to a new and exciting economic future based on the transfer of invisible sums of money – a sort of clean and virtual future in which older notions about the basis of economic growth and the nature of work would disappear. The urban theorist Manuel Castells argued that the technological innovations had created a deterritorialised ‘space of flows’ (Castells, 1989) in which what geographers refer to as the friction of distance had vanished. Money, advice and even people could be moved round the world at high speeds. Space and time had been compressed, according to David Harvey (1989a), and truly, as Marx had foretold, all that was solid – factories, goods, labour – seemed to have melted into air or, more prosaically, into the glass fibre cables of telecommunications. Other urban scholars suggested that the cities in which financial markets – the apotheosis of the new international economy – were based had become increasingly detached from other cities within their nation state, instead becoming ‘global cities’ with more in common with each other than cities lower down the urban hierarchy (Sassen, 1990; King, 1990b). In these cities, new forms of work were undertaken by an international elite who were as at home in London as Frankfurt, in New York as Tokyo – the new middle class of the late twentieth century. Changes in the world economy revolving around the expansion of an international financial services sector through deregulation and the globalisation of markets, trade and labour had led to the strong growth of a new category of professionals in the 1980s, with new ways of working and living and different cultural values and norms from their predecessors. Thus, as Featherstone has argued (1990):

The globalisation of capital flows with 24-hour stock market trading, which gained pace after the ‘Big Bang’ of October 1986, not only deregulated local markets and made local capital vulnerable to the strategies of corporate raiders, it necessitated new norms for the market too. The globalisation of capital also entailed the globalisation of the market in services to finance, commerce and industry, A new category of professionals: international lawyers, corporate tax accountants, financial advisers, and management consultants were required as the various business and financial interests sought to chart and formalise the newly globalised economic space, (p. 7)

A small number of cities – London and New York among them – are at the apex of this globalised economic space. With their high-waged service-based economies they are important locations in patterns of international migration by the new service class and business elites (Beaverstock, 1994; Champion, 1994; Cohen, 1987; Daniels, 1993a, b; Salt, 1992; Sassen, 1990). Many of these new professionals are highly mobile, spending periods in a number of countries, moving within and between the internal labour markets of multinational corporations and banks based in the global cities. As Sassen (1990) has argued, international economic change, global patterns of migration of capital and labour, and the rise of a global service sector have led to the emergence of a new international division of labour in which the high-status and highly paid jobs in the upper echelons of control and professional functions are increasingly concentrated in the world cities from which the global economy is managed and controlled. Sassen and many others (Coakley, 1992; Coakley and Harris, 1983; Fainstein, 1994; King, 1990b; Noyelle, 1989; Thrift, 1994; Zukin, 1992) have argued that London, New York and Tokyo are the three most significant global cities, preeminent among other expanding financial centres with a full range of international financial services – commodity, currency and security markets, leading stock exchanges, banking and specialised business services, and the full range of advanced information infrastructure. In London between 1961 and 1991, 272,000 jobs were created in producer services and, as Marshall et al. (1992) noted, ‘London alone possesses over 40 per cent of Great Britain’s employment in business services (insurance, banking, finance and professional services)’ (p. 454).

It has also been argued that this globalisation of the market for financial and legal services has altered the social relations of the financial sector, that the conventional ways of doing business based on personal contacts and networks between a bourgeois elite have been replaced by a more democratic or meritocratic system, often referred to as an ‘Americanisation’ of financial services. It has made space for a new generation of lawyers and bankers who are less tied to the quasi-aristocratic ideals and disdain for marketing that had characterised the ‘gentlemanly’ stock exchanges and legal practices of an earlier era (Beaverstock, 1994; Dezalay, 1990; Featherstone, 1990; Thrift, 1994), In the new global markets, the emphasis is increasingly on technical competence, aggressive tactics and a more meritocratic ethos.

But these theorists also recognised that the new global economy and global cities were themselves only too ‘real’ – places in which real people lived and went to work. Within these cities, social inequalities appeared to be increasing, as a growing number of the affluent, if not super rich, money makers working in the old and newer occupations in the global financial service sector and associated professions – lawyers, accountants and so on – lived and worked cheek by jowl with growing numbers of poor and immobile workers who serviced the newly affluent international middle class. While house prices spiralled to giddy heights in the late 1980s as old dockland warehouses were converted to bijou homes, and the affluent engaged in increasingly visible activities of conspicuous consumption, the poor in these cities became remorselessly poorer (Borric, 1994; Philo, 1994; Rowntree Foundation, 1995; Sassen, 1990). The workplace and leisure needs of the ‘masters of the universe’ – the term is Tom Wolfe’s from his satire on Wall Street, Bonfire of the Vanities (1988) – gave rise to growing numbers of restaurants, cafés, dry cleaners, hotels, cleaning firms, architectural salvage firms, small building contractors, nannies, cooks and domestic cleaners and so forth, all of whom were affected by the pronounced moves towards flexible, casualised and low-waged employment in these cities from the mid 1980s onwards (Allen and Henry, 1996).

The market rhetoric of the new right and, in Britain, Mrs Thatcher’s various claims that ‘there is no alternative’ and ‘no such thing as society’ seemed to endorse Gordon Gekko’s claim in the film Wall Street that ‘greed is good’. Financiers and bankers typified the individualist attitudes and lifestyles that were celebrated in the 1980s. The poor were pushed to the margins both literally and in the political discourse of the time. Life was tough but exciting and Big Bang in London in 1986, when the deregulated markets were opened ever wider to foreign competition, seemed to validate the decade’s rhetoric. But then, only a year later, on Black Monday, the pound and the dollar fell on the international exchanges and the markets panicked. House prices peaked in the same year and then stagnated in both London and New York, and an employment shakeout began. While Tokyo seemed impregnable at the time, its turn came too in a recession in the early 1990s, just as London and New York began to recover. These years of expansion and deregulation, followed by recession, clearly had an impact on social practices in the City of London and on Wall Street as the impregnable image of the ‘masters of the universe’ was tarnished by financial ruin, scandal and unemployment. I was curious to find out exactly what had changed for the men, and smaller numbers of women, who worked in the financial sector in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Had the remarkable changes of the heady 1980s shaken up older forms of workplace practices and social interactions in the City, only in turn to be affected by the more dour 1990s?

I was also curious about the effects of boom and then recession as I had lived in London myself between 1987 and 1992, benefiting and then losing in the crazy housing market of the capital. I was working at that time with a group of economic and urban geographers at the Open University, and there we began to investigate the dynamics that lay behind the remarkable spiral of growth and then decline in London and the South East of England in these years. While others looked at high tech work (Massey 1995; Massey and Henry, 1992), the catering and cleaning industries (Allen and Henry, 1996) and the effects of both on income inequalities (Massey and Allen, 1994), and at the housing market (Hamnett and Seavers, 1994), I wanted to understand how an institution like the City of London worked, viewing it through the lens of the lives and careers of individual men and women working in the City’s merchant banks at the end of this period of radical change both in the global economy and in the City.

Despite working in a compressed global space made possible by new means of communication, and frequently moving between global cities, these new professionals spend their daily lives in more geographically restricted sets of spaces. King (1990b), for example, has pointed out that they often both work in and live in a specific type of urban space – the redeveloped inner-city areas – and it is it is by no means clear that working in a globalised sector necessarily generates a cosmopolitan outlook among the employees (Wouters, 1986, 1990). Indeed, as Hannerz (1990) has suggested, a range of responses are possible between the polarities of localism (territorially anchored or ‘bounded’ cultures involving face-to-face relations between people who do not move around a great deal) and cosmopolitanism (transnational cultural networks extended in space in which there is a good deal of overlapping and mingling which encourages engagement with the other). Some of the people who travel widely, such as businesspeople and financiers, may be locals at heart who do not really want to leave home or move between cities for work.

As Thrift (1994) has emphasised, for the workers caught up in the transformation of the City, everyday life is not carried out in the virtual space of deterritorialised flows of money, but instead involves social interactions among a particular group of men and women, working in the new electronically based dealing and trading rooms and in the back offices and corporate boardrooms of City banks. Thrift designated these arenas a ‘re-embedded set of meeting places’, although in retrospect it is hard to see that the everyday working life of financial sector employees was ever carried out in disembedded spaces. It was just that the rhetoric of placelessness carried us with it at the time. But, as Robins (1991) noted:

Globalisation is, in fact, also associated with new dynamics of re-localisation. It is about the achievement of a new global-local nexus, about new and intricate relations between global space and local space. Globalisation is like putting together a jigsaw puzzle: it is a matter of inserting a multiplicity of localities into the overall picture of a new global system, (pp. 34–5)

Fortunately academic geographers, myself among them, recognise that place always makes a difference, be it at the scale of the workplace, the city, the region or the nation state. Indeed, in this book I hope to demonstrate that organisational sociology might be strengthened if more attention was given to where things take place as well as how they do.

I was interested in seeing whether and where women might fit into this global/local jigsaw. I initially approached my investigation of change in the City from a particular perspective and at a particular spatial scale, however. As a geographer interested in the nature and reasons for gendered patterns of occupational segregation, I decided to work at the level of the workplace, although neither denying nor neglecting the structural and institutional factors that sort men and women into different occupations. I wanted to get inside a number of investment banks and look at the daily social practices and interactions between employees. While others had argued that the ‘new’ City of the 1980s had shed its old elitist image, recruiting workers in the period of expansion from a wider range of class backgrounds than had traditionally been the case (Budd and Whimster, 1992), I was interested in the extent to which the City had opened its doors to women. The 1980s had been marked by a rapid expansion in the number of women gaining higher educational credentials and a range of professional qualifications in law, accountancy and business, for example, that would seem on the surface to fit them for the range of expanding occupations in the City. But financial services, and particularly the more blue-blooded areas of investment banking, had long denied access to all but an exceptional minority of professional women and a legion of female clerical workers. My aim, therefore, was to assess the extent to which women had entered and progressed up the occupational hierarchy in investment banking in the City of London at the end of the 1980s and into the ’90s.

Investment banking is the pinnacle of the British banking system, distinguished by its long history of family involvement, where generations of sons and nephews followed their fathers and uncles into ‘the bank’. It was once a world of measured calm (Michie, 1992) which was apparently shattered by the events of the 1980s, when rapid expansion opened up the City to new ways of doing things, but detailed empirical substantiation of new forms of working, especially the impact on gender rather than class divisions, was lacking.

The 1980s and early 1990s have also seen an exciting explosion of feminist-influenced work on organisations, occupational gender segregation, power and sexuality, the social construction of femininity and, more lately, masculinity at work. Feminists realised that the unveiling of the unmarked, disembodied and universal individual in the western intellectual tradition as male was insufficient. It had become increasingly evident that, like femininity, masculinity took many more forms than the singular, oppositional character ‘man’ who appeared in many of our texts. Despite the dominance of hegemonic versions, both masculinity and femininity take multiple forms, which are defined, constructed and maintained not only by the institutional structures of capitalist economies but also through everyday talk and behaviour at particular sites. It was clear to me as I approached a number of banks for cooperation with my investigation that I wanted to look at the dominant forms of masculinity and the ways in which they excluded certain men, as well as positioning women in particular ways and places as the ‘Other’ in relation to dominant constructions of masculinity.

As well as the expanding feminist scholarship, the 1980s and early 1990s were a period marked by an extraordinary intellectual ferment in the social sciences and the humanities in general. Growing cross-disciplinary work, in which ideas about situated knowledge, positionality and reflexivity disrupted conventional ways of doing research within particular disciplines and approaches, became significant. A wide range of new ideas about the ways in which material social relations, meaning and symbolism were interconnected produced stimulating cross-fertilisation between literary and cultural studies, for example. Despite coming somewhat late to many of these ideas, geographers also experienced a ‘cutural turn’ in which the analysis of discourses, texts, symbols and meaning became part of the ways of understanding contemporary socio-spatial changes and behaviour. Influenced by this work and by the resurgence of a sociology of economic behaviour, I found the combination of an older materialist way of understanding the economy and new ways of thinking about economic behaviour as embedded and embodied, through symbolic meaning, representation and discourse, extremely liberating, I turned to a wide range of sources from several disciplines in order to explain what was revealed to me in the banks. I brought to bear a combination of approaches and methods, trying to show how different ways of seeing the City complement each other. In succeeding chapters, I move down through different levels or scales of analysis in turn. Drawing on a wide range of disciplinary perspectives and approaches is something that has perhaps distinguished good geographical scholarship for many years. Geographers reading my text should find the disciplinary eclecticism comfortable, or at least not at all unusual. I hope that others, more used to singular perspectives, will find my approach provoking rather than theoretically promiscuous. In chapter 1, I outline the changing nature of work in contemporary industrial economies and the different ways of thinking about it that have influenced my empirical work in the banks. The book then moves through analyses of the institutional structures of gender segregation, gendered patterns of employment, recruitment and careers, to an investigation of the culture of banking, media representations of bankers and daily social interactions between men and women on the shop floor, as it were, in this case in dealing rooms, corporate boardrooms and individual offices.

The book is divided into two parts. In chapters 2 to 5 of part I, I examine the major changes in the City of London since the mid 1980s and the ways in which they are related to its class and gender composition. Chapter 2 provides a short history of the development of London’s pre-eminence as a financial centre, focusing in particular on the 1980s employment growth, social and technological changes and the impact on the built environment of the City. In the next two chapters, the patterns of gender segregation in investment banking in the City are established. In these chapters, I begin to draw on a large-scale survey and detailed field work in three merchant banks, undertaken between 1992 and 1994 in the City of London. In chapter 5, as well as looking at the current class and gender composition of the City, I also show how recruitment strategies reproduce its particular culture.

In chapters 6 to 8 of part II, the impact of the cultural as well as the economic and social aspects of those radical years of change in the City are the dominant focus, examined through the words of individual workers, In chapter 6, I look at the ways in which mechanisms of cultural imperialism, drawing on Iris Marion Young’s (1990a, b, 1993) work on social justice and the politics of difference, position women in the workplace as inappropriate or vile bodies. I then turn, in chapters 7 and 8, to an assessment of how fictional images and representations of the world of money and its key players both reflect and affect ‘reality’. What Thrift et al. (1987) termed the ‘sexy/greedy’ years of City expansion exercised a remarkable hold on the popular imagination, and the exchanges and dealing rooms of New York and London became the locus of a series of books, films and plays. In addition, both the tabloid and broadsheet press gave significant space to the antics of the key players of these years – the patriarchs and princes of the brave new world and the fallen heroes (and a longer and longer procession of the latter trooped through the 1990s). In chapters 7 and 8, I deconstruct the reality/representation dichotomy, showing how the discursive construction of masculinity and femininity in investment banks is partly based on these very images and representations. In these chapters, multiple gender performances, different ways of doing masculinity and femininity in different locations in the banks, are the focus, and here Judith Butler’s (1990a, b, 1993) influence is apparent. Finally, in chapter 9, I attempt to bring the different levels and aspects of this analysis of gender at work together in an assessment of the prospects for women in City workplaces and in the labour market more generally.

This has been an enjoyable, but at times difficult, book to write. As I attempted to cross disciplinary boundaries, it threatened to become a baggy, almost boundless monster, escaping not only the discipline of my own discipline, geography, but also the publisher’s word limit. I managed to tame it, but I am conscious that it is a work in progress, a set of reflections on complex issues that of necessity had to be terminated in mid 1996 when I thankfully returned the final manuscript to Blackwells. As I have intimated above, the literature about work, organisations, services, gender, sexuality and power is expanding exponentially in a fascinating way, and new lines of research and explanation are rapidly opening up to reinterpret older ways of understanding gender relations. If this book helps others to move beyond what I have tried to do here, then it will have achieved its purpose, although, of course, I hope it will also hold the attention of the reader through its intrinsic qualities. The world of merchant or investment banking – the terms seem to be used interchangeably – is a fascinating one, and it has been a delight to spend time in the company of people who work within it. The slight envy that I have always harboured of colleagues who are social anthropologists has now been laid to rest. I truly felt a stranger in a foreign land in these banks.

Part I

Gender at Work